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Lumber linguistics

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Today’s Zippy strip takes exploits the giant hammer outside the Ford Lumber Co. in Fort Washington MD to skitter over language-related matters — the metaphorical character of many common idioms, the innateness of language (abilities), natural language ontology — to lodge in a fixation on food that Zippy finds intrinsically funny (in this case, egg creams and V-8 juice):


(#1) Zippy’s attributions are a bit wonky — it’s Lakoff, not Chomsky, who hammers on the centrality of metaphor, though linguistic nativism is indeed a Chomskyan preoccupation — but then Zippy’s a surrealistic Pinhead, not a pinhead professor, and anyway, you say linguist, the popular mind thinks Chomsky, so Zippy has his finger on the pulse of the people here (even if ontology pours into egg creams for him and even if he seems to be hammered on V-8)

Meanwhile, there’s the news from Fort Washington MD.

Nailed by the giant hammer. From the Roadside America site about the Ford Lumber hammer:

(#2)

on the right side of the road, in front of Ford Lumber Company. I took a right on Livingston Road and found the store front. The hammer is in a large grassy area that is easily accessible from the parking lot. The hammer has probably been there a long time, judging from the condition of the hammer head. I think it’s at least 20 feet tall. [Julie Mangin, 10/11/2011]

Alas, both the hammer and the lumber company were gone by 2019.

Metaphorical idioms. In the first panel. Adapted, mostly, from NOAD:

getting hammered ‘being attacked or criticized forcefully and relentlessly’, ‘being utterly defeated in a game or contest’, ‘getting drunk’

nailing something ‘performing (an action or task) perfectly’; cf. (of a man) nail someone ‘have sex with (someone)’

In fact, the compound noun egg cream (US) ‘a drink consisting of milk and soda water, flavored with syrup’ is also a metaphorical idiom. Omigod, they’re everywhere, they’re under my bed, they’re …


Eye charts

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Yet another cartoon meme, the Eye Chart, with an instance in today’s Wayno/Piraro Bizarro, set in the fictive city of Metropolis:


(#1) It’s a bird… It’s a plane… It’s Superman (If you’re puzzled by the odd symbols in the cartoon — Dan Piraro says there are 5 in this strip — see this Page.)

Yes, it’s also an instance of the “It’s a bird” meme. Memes tend to travel together, like elephants, or municipal buses.

It’s a bird. Two postings on this blog:

from 10/22/16, in “Supercamp penguins”, about the meme

from 5/11/18, in “Differentiae”, a Bizarro cartoon on distinguishing Superman from birds and planes

Eye Chart cartoons. There are a lot of them — the meme allows for all sorts of stuff to be packed into the frame — but almost all of them require a fee for use here, so I won’t be showing them to you, or even bothering to describe them, and anyway you can find them on the net. Here are three that I think I can use: one from my 8/14/09 posting “The eye chart”, with a Bizarro; one (an eye chart for dogs) from Dale Coverly’s Speed Bump strip on 2/14/15; and one (an eye chart for queers) I came across yesterday fortuitously, on the Peachy Kings gay-stuff site (having just gotten a 2022 Tom of Finland calendar from them, and then ordered up a Queer Rainbow t-shirt).

The 2009 Bizarro. A nightmare scene, of initialism run amok:

(#2)

An eye chart for dogs. From Dale Coverly:


(#3) woof ‘car’, yap ‘rabbit’, bark ‘cat’, growl ‘mailman’, bow wow wow ‘dog’ (we think)

An eye chart for queers. From the Peachy Kings site, where it’s available in several forms, including as a birthday card and on a t-shirt; but it stands on its own as a words-only cartoon:


(#4) Can you read me right? Can you see all of me?

Peachy Kings. An entertainingly sex-drenched Etsy supplier, especially devoted to Tom of Finland merchandise (for background, see the Page on my ToF postings) and Terry Miller muscle-daddy merchandise (for background, see the Page on my Daddy – Boy and DILF postings).

I’m guessing that the name Peachy Kings is supposed to echo the slang idiom peachy keen (see the note at the end of this posting) while incorporating the peach 🍑 as a pygic — buttocks — symbol, in this case standing for the male buttocks as an object of gay sexual desire.  In any case, I found the company in a search for a sexy-guy 2022 calendar that was viewable in my living room (which is heavy with male art, phallic symbols, and rainbow entertainments — as well as penguins, woolly mammoths, memorabilia, art, and cartoons — but draws the line at genitalia and sex acts, though I’m willing to go right up to the line on those).

The cover of the PK ToF calendar, which is in fact right on the line:


(#5) [shameless ad copy:] The new Tom of Finland 2022 Calendar by Peachy Kings is packed full of classic Queer art! Thirteen classic Tom illustrations featuring naked studs, cowboys, leathermen, muscle pigs, and a year’s worth of big butts & bulges! The calendar measures 9”x13” — and printed on a heavy paper stock.

Pleased with the calendar (which arrived yesterday morning), I went on to order myself a relatively restrained t-shirt:


(#6) Restrained in language (to start with, no fuck; as I type this, I am wearing a queer as fuck tank top), and not a single body part

And then, though muscle daddies aren’t my thing, and I could never have claimed to be one (I am an actual father; and I’ve been called upon to play the Daddy role in Daddy – Boy encounters; but I’ve never had the muscles to pull off Muscle Daddy, even if I’d wanted to), I browsed the Terry Miller Muscle Daddy section of the PK catalog, which has wonderful items like this one:


(#7) TM in his Daddy gym shorts (aka panties in butch faggy talk), showing off a body it took him years to achieve

Note the wedding ring. Terry Miller’s husband is the sex-advice columnist Dan Savage. Miller has always been what I would describe as pleasantly faggy in his presentation of self; it’s one of the things that attracted Savage to him. Then they married and became the fathers of a boy — Savage wrote a book about the experience — and  Miller began to develop his body, eventually becoming a serious leatherman, active and visible in the leather community (and — quite charmingly to my mind — folding his fagginess into the high-butch presentations of this community). Savage now posts hot photos of his husband in his gear.

Their son, who they’ve managed to shelter from a public identity as the child of highly visible gay-activist fathers — the co-founders of the It Gets Better foundation — is now in his 20s.

Meanwhile, Muscle Daddy TM produces frank gay porn for the ToF Foundation — I have just now ordered a set of seven porn postcards of his — and he’s proud of this association, as on this playful t-shirt:


(#8) Yes, a porn pun

From NOAD, the adv. hard as a modifier of the verb work; vs. the adj. hard as a subject modifier (of concomitant circumstance) in the complement of the verb work (compare: Porn stars work naked / in the nude / wearing nothing but socks):

adv. hard: 1 with a great deal of effort: they work hard at school.

adj. hard: 7 (of the penis, clitoris, or nipples) erect.

A note on peachy keen. On the whole idiom, from NOAD:

adj. peachy keen: North American informal, dated very satisfactory; fine ORIGIN 1950s: from [adj.] peachy (sense 2) + [adj.] keen-1 (sense 4).

And the parts:

adj. peachy: 2 North American informal very satisfactory; fine: everything is just peachy.

adj. keen: 4 [predicative] North American informal, dated excellent: I would soon fly to distant stars — how keen!

Bizarros of the Solstice, Festivus, and Christmas

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Wayno/Piraro Bizarro cartoons for the 21st (Winter Solstice), 23rd (Festivus, for the airing of grievances), and 25th (Christmas Day). The first two are Christmas-related, but today’s is not (at least in any way I can see), so in a spirit of holiday orneriness, I’ll start with that one.

12/25: the Fritz Carlton:


(#1) Ritz on the fritz (If you’re puzzled by the odd symbols in the cartoon — Dan Piraro says there are 6 in this strip — see this Page.)

Fritz Carlton: an erratic portmanteau of on the fritz ‘not functioning’ and Ritz-Carlton the luxury hotel chain. (Note: the desk clerk is a supercilious Frenchman, an imagined present-day César Ritz.)

About the Ritz. From the OED3 (June 2010) on the noun Ritz:

Etymology: < the name of César Ritz (1850–1918), Swiss hotelier and founder of a number of luxury hotels. … [AZ: which came to connote wealth, opulence, luxury, and ostentation]

The Hôtel Ritz in Paris was the first of these hotels and opened in 1898; the Ritz Hotel in London opened in 1906. The name was adopted in 1927 by the Ritz-Carlton company, which opened several hotels in the United States, the first in Boston (also in 1927). [AZ: now 108 luxury hotels and resorts in 30 countries; locally, in San Francisco and Half Moon Bay]

Phrase: U.S. colloquial. to put on the Ritz: to make a show of wealth or luxury; to behave ostentatiously or haughtily.

About on the fritz. From my 8/21/13 posting “On the fritz”:

A while back, when Ned Deily was visiting me, my iTunes produced an album of Joshua Bell playing Fritz Kreisler violin music, and Ned joked about my computer being on the fritz — and we both wondered about the source of the slang idiom. It turns out that it’s not very old — the OED‘s first cite is from 1903 — but is nevertheless of unknown origin, and the etymologies that come first to mind are very unlikely.

There’s now an extended treatment in OED3 (June 2014):

Etymology: Origin uncertain; apparently ultimately < Fritz, pet form of the German male forename Friedrich, although the motivation for its use in the constructions exemplified here is uncertain and disputed.

With on the fritz perhaps compare on the blink … This may show a special use of Fritz n.1 reflecting prejudice against German people and products, although if so the construction of the phase would be unusual, and evidence to confirm this has not been found.

It has been suggested that on the fritz immediately reflects the name of the cartoon character Fritz, one of the main protagonists (with his twin Hans) of the popular long-running cartoon strip The Katzenjammer Kids, created by German-born American cartoonist Rudolph Dirks (1877–1968), which debuted on 12 December 1897 in the Sunday supplement of the New York Journal; plots are based on the mischievous and anarchic antics of the twins, whose dialogue is written in a representation of U.S. English spoken with a German accent. However, supporting evidence for this theory is also lacking.

It has alternatively been proposed that this word may be imitative of the sound of a faulty electrical connection or of a fuse blowing (compare e.g. to go phut at phut adv.); although the earliest examples are not in the context of machinery, this association may have reinforced the word in later use.

Attested earliest in representations of the speech of individuals from New York, in early use often in on de fritz (compare e.g. quot. 1900 at sense 1a).

From the body of the entry:

colloquial (originally and chiefly U.S.).

1. a. on the fritz: in an unsatisfactory or defective state or condition; (now) esp. (of a machine, device, etc.) out of order, broken. to go on the fritz: to stop working properly.

[1st cite:] 1900 Star of Hope 25 Aug. ii. 168/1 Now you tell me ‘to lend you my ears.’ Now all dis kind of talk is on de fritz, see? And if you want me to rap to you, you’ve got to talk plain English, Sing Sing English. See?

… b. to put (something) on the fritz: to spoil, put a stop to (something). Also: to cause (a machine, device, etc.) to stop working properly.

… 2. to put the fritz on something: to spoil or put a stop to something.

12/21: Inclement Clarke Moore.


(#2) (Bizarro symbol count: 4)

This time a straightforward POP (phrasal overlap portmanteau): inclement Clarke Moore = inclement + Clement Clarke Moore. On the parts:

(in)clement weather. From NOAD:

adj. inclement: (of the weather) unpleasantly cold or wet: walkers should be prepared for inclement weather. [negative of the weather adj. clement]

adj. clement: 1 (of weather) mild: it is a very clement day. 2 (of a person or a person’s actions) merciful. [sense 1 is an extension of sense 2; the adj. in sense 2 is related to clemency and to the names Clement and Clementine]

Clement Clarke Moore. From Wikipedia:

A Visit from St. Nicholas, more commonly known as The Night Before Christmas and ‘Twas the Night Before Christmas from its first line, is a poem first published anonymously under the title Account of a Visit from St. Nicholas in 1823 and later attributed to Clement Clarke Moore, who claimed authorship in 1837.

The poem has been called “arguably the best-known verses ever written by an American” and is largely responsible for some of the conceptions of Santa Claus from the mid-nineteenth century to today. It has had a massive effect on the history of Christmas gift-giving. Before the poem gained wide popularity, American ideas had varied considerably about Saint Nicholas and other Christmastide visitors.

(No discussion here of the controversy over the authorship of the poem, since the cartoon just runs with Moore.)

12/23: Our frugal cartoonists: Jesus and the therapist. Suitable for Festivus, since J. just wants to complain (if you’re curious about Festivus, including the practice of “Airing of Grievances”, see my 12/21/18 posting “22-festoon!”). This time I’ve already posted this Bizarro Psychiatrist cartoon, with J. on the couch: my 12/23/21 posting “How much myrrh can one man use?”:


(#3) (Bizarro symbol count: 8)

But wait! There’s more. This year’s Festivus cartoon is a reworking of an earlier Bizarro, from Christmas Day two years ago:


(#4) Always with a complaint, that Yeshua! (Bizarro symbol count: 4)

This time it’s about being upstaged by Santa Claus on the day of his birth and the Easter bunny on the day of his resurrection. Meanwhile, the earlier drawing in #4 is reversed in #3; the therapists are different; Jesus’s hair has gone from light to dark brown and his hand gesture is different; and other small details have been changed. But otherwise it’s a frugal use of the comic resource.

Four approaches to sucking someone’s socks off

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(Full of linguistic expressions referring to genitals and sexual acts, but not depicting these acts or treating them as cultural practices.)

A heavy-linguistics follow-up to my 11/5/21 posting “I want to suck your socks off”, which told the moving tale of a sexual encounter between the characters Alex and Jake, the center of which is a sub-episode beginning with Jake declaring to Alex:

I want to suck your socks off (A)

conveying, roughly, ‘I want to give you enormous satisfaction by fellating you to orgasm’, that is, ‘I want to give you a truly fabulous blow job’ — a vow that Jake then proceeded to make good on.

This posting isn’t about raunchy acts like Jake’s — I hope to, um, flesh out the tale of Jake and Alex in another posting — but about English VPs like the one underlined in (A), Jake’s raunchily colloquial

suck your socks off (B)

Call VP (B) syoso for short; I’ll have a lot to say about syoso. It turns out that it’s at least four-ways ambiguous, though in the sex-drenched context of the Jake and Alex story, you’re probably going to recognize only sense 4, sexual syoso.

The project. As a start, consider a range of invented examples similar to (A), all intended as illustrating sexual syoso: the underlined VPs in

Suck my socks off with your hot mouth, Jake!; Jake was sucking his socks off when the fire alarm went off (note that his here can refer to Jake himself only if Jake is skilled at auto-fellatio); Jake skillfully sucked Alex’s socks off; Jake loved sucking his buddies’ socks off; Jake will suck your socks off for 20 bucks; Jake sucks his husband’s socks off every morning; Sucking guys’ socks off is Jake’s greatest pleasure in life

I’ll be investigating the syntax of a larger set of English VPs , embracing sexual syoso and much more, VPs of the form

SUCK PossPro socks off (C)

where:

—  SUCK is some form of the lexeme SUCK, in one of two V + Prt composites suck off: removal suck off and sexual suck off ‘fellate’; removal suck off can be literal, involving actual sucking with the mouth, or figurative

— PossPro socks is the Direct Object of SUCK off, with PossPro a possessive personal pronoun (my, your, her, his, its, our, their) serving as a Det[erminer] modifying socks and having either open reference (just picking out something in the context of speech) or necessarily reflexive reference (picking out the referent of the NP understood as Subject of SUCK off)

— and the socks of PossPro socks is understood either literally, as referring to a garment, or figuratively

Already we’re getting into some industrial-strength technical linguistics, but bear with me. The goal here is to recognize, first, that Jake’s original, (A), is at least three-ways ambiguous, and then, that this follows from an (at least) four-way ambiguity in the VP (B), and more generally, in VPs of the form (C). What’s going on isn’t a fact about just one example, the very stirring (A), but follows from the existence of several distinct patterns — idioms and constructions — in the way form and meaning are associated in English.

The four senses and the patterns they represent. In brief:

— 1 sock-removal syoso, with literal suck off (as a transitive verb) — ‘by sucking, cause socks to be off (something)’ — and literal socks (in the direct object): ‘remove the socks from your body by sucking’

Other examples of the fully literal construction: The vacuum cleaner sucked my socks offThe monster sucked Joey’s hands off, and then his feet.

A possessive Det in the DO is just one possibility; the DO can be without one — The vacuum cleaner sucked (the) grime off — or have one, as above.

— 2 exclamatory-predicative syoso: suck someone’s socks off as an idiom conveying roughly ‘be fantastic for or impressive to someone (by providing intense satisfaction to them)’ — a variant of the idiom knock someone’s socks off. The Oblique Object (referring to the affected person) is (obligatorily) expressed by a possessive Det.

Compare: This band will suck your socks off! ‘this band will impress the hell out of you’ i.e., ‘you’ll really love this band’; Her essay sucked my / Terry’s socks off!

Note that the Det in theoOblique Object doesn’t have to be a personal pronoun, but it does have to be possessive: *Her essay sucked (the) socks off!

On obligatory reflexives. They come in two types:

— reflexive pronouns (in –self, –selves) as Direct Objects (linked to the Subject), as in perjure / absent oneself : ✓I perjured myself, *I perjured me, *I perjured, *I perjured him / Joey

— reflexive possessive pronouns (i.e. possessive pronouns understood reflexively) as Det in a Direct Object (linked to the Subject), as in take one’s leave, speak one’s mind):  ✓I spoke my mind, *I spoke (the) mind, *I spoke his / Joey’s mind

The second type is the one in exclamatory-predicative syoso.

— 3 activity-intensifier syoso. Here conveying ‘suck [draw into the mouth] extremely hard’. This is an instance of what I’ll call the WOSO construction (with the type exemplar work one’s socks off) ‘to do something with a lot of energy or effort’, as in The cast work their socks off to give the audience a great experience.

Background notes on the parts of the WOSO construction.

— W is an intransitive verb of the Vendlerian activity Aksionsart, in fact an unergative verb: its argument is agentive and the verb is atelic (some typical verbs of this class: work, run, laugh, dance)

— S is a body N from a conventional set, which tends towards the rude and crude, but also has a lot of idiosyncrasy: from various dictionaries and searches:

[(PRIMARY) BODYPART] hands, fingers, head; [(PRIMARY) GARMENT)] socks, shirt, pants, shorts [(RUDE) TESTICLES] nuts, balls, knackers, bollocks; [(RUDE) BUTTOCKS] ass, arse, butt, tail, keister

(Note the oddness of, e.g., feet, toes, fingertips, elbows, knuckles; t-shirt, tank top, underwear, underpants, stockings, jockstrap, coat, trousers, jeans, sweater; testicles, testes; buttocks, derriere. You could probably work out in context what something like I worked my feet / jockstrap off was intended to convey, but the expressions don’t come “off the shelf”, as it were; and you can easily understand what I worked my testicles / derriere off were intended to convey, but you would view them as involving a rather ostentatious avoidance of (rather mildly) taboo vocabulary, akin to something like I scared the feces out of him.)

W and S are the two (relatively) open slots in the construction.

— the second element O is the Prt off, obligatorily separated from its V (*work off one’s socks, ✓work one’s socks off— cf.  throw off sparks, throw sparks off, where the Prt can be either solid with or separated from its V)

— the first element O is an obligatorily reflexive possessive modifying S: I worked my socks off  ‘I worked extremely hard’, with my — but I worked (the) socks off and I worked his / Joey’s socks off refer to actual socks and to their removal from something; and I worked his / Joey’s socks off refers to an actual possessor of those socks; while I worked my socks off  ‘I worked extremely hard’ involves no reference to any removal, much less to any socks or any sock wearers.

Activity-intensifier syoso has the (unergative) activity V suck in the W slot (paired with the fixed Prt off in the second O slot); and with a reflexive possessive your as Det (anaphoric to the Subject of the V) in the first O slot object, modifying the fixed N sucks in the S slot.

To see that this sense of syso is atelic, note: You sucked your socks off, but still couldn’t empty the glass (‘you sucked very hard, but …’), and similarly He sucked his socks off, but still couldn’t empty the glass

sexual syoso. Another idiom, like exclamatory syoso: ‘perform fellatio satisfactorily or enthusiastically’. Perhaps originating as a combo of sense 3 — suck your socks off  ‘suck with energy or effort’ (understanding suck transitively, as ‘suck cock’) — with the transitive sexual V + Prt suck off  ‘fellate’.

Two attested examples:

I’m available now so swing by and let me suck your socks off! (Escort Seattle listing)

Thick Dicks line up, I’ll suck your socks off (Cruising For Sex site)

[Digression on the Aktionsart of sexual syoso. Some cases of  V + Direct Object can be understood as either activity or accomplishment; in particular, suck someone’s cock can be. But suck someone’s cock off is usually understood as an achievement, so that sexual syoso would be as well.

From my 10/29/19 posting “Annals of burritio”:

[background:] Suck [takes] the full range of direct objects referring to a penis:

I sucked his (hot) cock / (big) dick / (thick) meat; the biggest one I ever sucked / ate; Suck that monster! I love to suck cock / dick …

Suck is also freely usable with direct objects referring to a man (understood as actually referring, metonymically, to that man’s penis):

I sucked him enthusiastically; the hottest guy I ever sucked; Suck my buddy! …

[then:] I also note that sexual suck is … an accomplishment verb in the Vendlerian scheme of aspectual classes (Aktionsarten) of verbs: it’s goal-oriented, but doesn’t entail that the goal is actually reached. The achievement verb corresponding to suck is suck offI sucked him for half an hour (but he never came; or, alternatively, until he came), but I sucked him off in half an hour (then he came).]

Appendix on WOSO in OED3. From OED3 (Sept. 2014) under the verb work (with cites with Prt out as well as off)

P5.
a. to work one’s brains (also eyes, soul, [bones, daylights,] etc.) out: to work extremely hard. Recorded earliest [1578] in to work one’s heart out … [20th-century cites:]

… -1920 Negro World 13 Mar. in R. A. Hill Marcus Garvey & Universal Negro Improvem. Assoc. Papers (1983) II. 257 The boy..works his soul out from morning to morn-out.
-2007 Blade (Toledo, Ohio(Nexis) 6 Feb. There’s nothing I can do about it except work my brains out and coach like hell.

b. colloquial.  to work one’s butt (also socks, fingers, balls, etc.) off: to work extremely hard… [hands, head, nuts, knackers, bollocks] [all cites:]

-1828 Ladies’ Mag. June 246 She would have worked her hands off before she would have parted with the dear little creature.
-1890 C. C. Harrison Anglomaniacs ii. 79 What man wants to work his head off to lay up money, and then see a fool and profligate walk away with it?
-1926 People’s Home Jrnl. Feb. 49/2 I’ll work—I’ll work my fingers off.
-1974 J. Wainwright Evidence I shall Give xxi. 102 He was working his nuts off.
-1982 P. Redmond Brookside (Mersey TV shooting script) (O.E.D. Archive) Episode 4. 53 The poor sods working their knackers off at the machines.
-1983 W. Goldman Adventures in Screen Trade 47 He obviously worked his buns off learning to be a hoofer.
-1989 Independent 15 Mar. 21/4 I don’t mind working my bollocks off.
-1992 Pract. Householder Nov. 5/1 Another time you’ll work your socks off and the results are terribly disappointing.
-1998 Boxing Monthly June 37/2 Despite working my balls off, I wasn’t getting any money.
-2010 Guardian (Nexis) 9 June 29   My friends..have worked their butts off to help increase the number of African Caribbean and Asian members of parliament.

A masculinity meze: face men

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(This has turned out to be quite a large meze, but it’s only about one idiomatic slang expression. Well, men and masculinity come into the thing, and you know what can happen then.)

Reflecting a couple days ago on my Princeton days (1958-62) and the tangle of the attitudes of the (all-male) students at the time towards (among things) masculinity, male affiliation (as systematized in a pervasive system of male bands, the eating clubs of the time), women, homosexuals, race, and social class. The topic is vast, also deeply distressing to me personally, and I suspect that I’ll never manage to write about the bad parts of it in any detail — note: there were some stunningly good parts — but in all of that I retrieved one lexical item of some sociolinguistic interest (and entertainment value), one slang nugget: the idiomatic N1 + N2 compound noun face man / faceman / face-man.

A common noun frequently used among my friends, which was then also deployed as a proper noun nicknaming one of our classmates, a young man notable for his facial male beauty: everybody had to have a nickname (mine was Zot, for the Z of my name and the cartoon anteater), so we called him Face Man because he was a face man.

Images and links on male-beauty face man. In a posting yesterday (“Gallery: five beautiful male faces”): five images of facial male beauty from the movies and tv (Eastwood, Redford, Belmondo, Pitt, Ackles), along with links to some notable discussions of such beauty on this blog.

These five were chosen as auxiliary visuals to the posting you are now reading, not, omigod, as a photographic survey of the world of facial male beauty. They’re a tiny (though varied) sample of what’s out there, very much in line with the biases of elite men’s universities in the 1960s (which is where the current posting is focused): all Euro white guys.

In the dictionaries. From GDoS:

noun face-man [AZ: also face man, faceman] an attractive man, a ‘pretty boy’. [1st cite 1967-8 College Undergradate Slang Study: Face man A sexually attractive person, male. A socially adept person. 1980 Jamaican cite from the movie The Harder They Come. 1991 British cite, in the Guardian.]

The compound is certainly idiomatic (but subsective: a face man is a type of man), highly specialized from the generalized sense ‘man having to do with a face or faces’; a face man is a man notable for (the beauty of) his face. The subsective compound face man (with body-part N1 face) is available for ad hoc uses, for innovation in various senses: in particular, ‘portraitist, man who draws faces’ and ‘man attracted to, aroused by notable faces’ (vs., say, ass man).

Those three cites are all the ones that GDoS has, and their sources are so extraordinarily diverse that they suggest the idiom was independently innovated several times (my American college usage belongs with the first of the sources). But establishing the actual histories would require searches of Jamaican and British texts over (at least) the 1970s and 1980s.

What, then says the OED? Astonishingly, as far as I can tell, zero. OED3 (Sept. 2009) has this irrelevant entry:

noun face-man: a miner who works at the face of a mine.

but appears to have nothing for the male-beauty lexical item. It’s also not in NOAD or AHD5 — gaps that might suggest that the American (originally collegiate) male-beauty item fizzled out in general usage. But very much not so. Thanks to more or less constant reruns, we all have available to us male-beauty face man from the 1980s. From Wikipedia:


(#1) Dirk Benedict as Faceman

Lieutenant Templeton Arthur Peck, played by Dirk Benedict, is a fictional character and one of the four protagonists of the 1980s action-adventure television series The A-Team. A recognized war hero, he is often referred to as (The) Faceman, or simply Face. [AZ: he’s the really good-looking one.]

On to the idiom dictionaries. Here we immediately find a quite different idiom face man — also subsective, but with an entirely different N1, not body-part face, but a conventionally metaphorical face. This is entry 2 for face man in the Farlex Dictionary of Idioms (2022):

Someone who is used to represent something, such as a campaign or organization, favorably to the public. That guy is gorgeous — he should definitely be the face man for this ad campaign.

The N1 here, from NOAD:

noun face: 1 … [c] a manifestation or outward aspect of something: the unacceptable face of social drinking. [AZ: metaphorical; also in use further specialized to refer to someone (occasionally, something) serving as the representative of something: Camila Cabello is the new face of the Victoria’s Secret Bombshell fragrance.]

And we find a narrowing of male-beauty face man to incorporate an implicature that such a man is nothing more than a male beauty. Entry 1 in the Farlex Dictionary:

An attractive man who is otherwise dull or boring. Sure, he’s cute, but have you tried talking to him? He’s just a face man.

And the only entry in McGraw-Hill’s Dictionary of American Slang and Colloquial Expressions (2006)

a good-looking young man with no personality. (Collegiate.) Harry is just a face man and as dull as dishwater.

(These entries are, of course, further evidence that male-beauty face man is alive and well.)

The categorization and vocabulary of male beauty. In current American mainstream culture (and in some much larger swath of cultures), there are at least three distinguishable conceptual categories of male beauty, each with an associated personal quality (and stage of life, though the men displaying these qualities can be of any age). I’ll start by giving the categories letter names (which in themselves have no content and call up no actual labels in English):

— C (suggesting Cupid), associated with playfulness (and childhood)

— A (suggesting Apollo or Adonis), associated with artistry (and youth)

— D (suggesting Dionysus, with Priapus lurking in the background), associated with power (and maturity)

Face men are men with facial beauty in category D. As we’ll see, male facial beauty in categories C and A tends to be devalued in current American culture, because it bears the twin stenches of femininity and homosexuality, which are seen not only as antithetical to true masculinity, but as undermining it; further discussion to come, later in this posting.

For an example of an adult man with facial beauty of category C, I offer this model and actor:


(#2) Matthew Gray Gubler, best known for his acting in the tv series Criminal Minds (see my 11/10/15 posting “Movies and tv: Matthew Gray Gubler”)

And, still in category C, an example of puckish, playful male beauty in an adult man (who is, by the way, a friend of mine):


(#3) Literary scholar and occasional nude model Richard Vytniorgu (see my 9/27/21 posting “Carnival for catamites”) in a 2021 self-portrait; my caption: “Adorably pixyish, with Romantic hair and faggy hands”

Then in category A, male beauty of a sort sometimes described as sensitive or delicate:


(#4) Sean Ford, a model and gay porn actor and observer of the worlds of homosexuality, sex work, love between men, and identities and personas (see my 6/4/21 posting “Fox and Friends I”)

And, still in category A male beauty of a sort sometimes described as feminine and pretty:


(#5) The Daily Jocks “party-wear poster boy, Jacob, aka DJ Debbie” (see my 4/6/22 posting “How do I look?”)

Often-used labels in English for referring to the three categories (bear in mind that these labels have a variety of other uses in the language, impinging in complex ways on these uses; in particular, American girls and women freely use cute to describe good-looking and sexy high-masculinity men who are, however, amiable and unthreatening — roughly, good-guy hot hunks):

— for C: cute, adorable, twinkish, boyish, pixyish

— for A: pretty, adorable, delicate, sensitive, feminine, twinkish, beautiful

— for D: handsome, good-looking, beautiful

Sociolinguistics. The sociolinguistic question is: who uses these labels, in what circumstances, about whom? And the answer is that it’s mind-bogglingly complex. But a significant part of the answer lies in the fact that the usages of (straight) females and (straight) males differ strikingly.

From my observations of female usage and the querying of several female informants, it seems clear that the females were entirely comfortable with using all of handsome, good-looking, and beautiful for facial male beauty in category D: in particular, they used beautiful with some frequency, found it unremarkable.

In a lifetime of experience with straight guys, I don’t think I’ve encountered a single one who was comfortable with these adjectives in this function, in particular with beautiful, which is pretty much unimaginable for them. You just cannot call another guy beautiful. Certainly in the context of an all-male college in 1958-62, no guy would have uttered the adjective in this sense in public. It would totally violate the Guy Code.

I’ve posted about the Codes repeatedly, but here’s a pastiche of Michael Kimmel on the Boy Code and Guy Code in modern American culture:

The first rule is that “masculinity is the relentless repudiation of the feminine”, and the central precept of the first rule is “No Sissy Stuff!”: avoid anything that might suggest homosexuality. Men subscribe to these ideals not because they want to impress women, let alone any inner drive or desire to test themselves against some abstract standards. They do it because they want to be positively evaluated by other men. Masculinity is largely a “homosocial” experience: performed for, and judged by, other men.

Now, here’s the thing. Pretty much everybody recognizes facial (and bodily) male beauty when they see it, and that includes young men in all-male living spaces. We recognize handsomeness in face and body because (among other things) it is highly valued and rewarded socially — so that you’d expect young men in those spaces to be keenly attuned to handsomeness.

If you are a man handsome in body and face, if you are tall (and, maybe, if you sport a big package), then you get more of the good things in our culture. You are much more likely to be selected as a leader, to be hired for jobs, promoted, and paid well. People are more inclined to listen to what you say and to defer to you. It’s a big fucking thing, and it has nothing to do with your qualities as a person; all of this comes from what nature gave you.

Because these things are prominent symbols of masculinity. And we value masculinity. In some contexts — like those all-male enclaves of young men in close quarters — we value masculinity a whole hell of a lot.

This is a fact, and you can legitimately view it as appallingly problematic, as I do. I am, after all, a small-boned 5ʹ 7ʺ guy with a dick on the small side and a face widely considered to be sweet, but on the feminine side, and culturally of rather marginal masculinity, with many close female non-sexual friends, tons of artistic interests, deep indifference to sports, and on and on — plus I actually am a faggot (and a feminist, too). So I am affronted by the sociocultural valuing of things that are basically flukes of nature, without actual intrinsic value to society. (I am also affronted, big time, by the sociocultural valuing of inherited privilege, but that plaint will have to wait for another day.)

In a cleft stick. Back to the guys at Princeton 60+ years ago. On the one hand, male facial beauty is in fact a big thing in our little community. On the other hand, the Guy Code rules in our world, exquisitely, and the existing vocabulary for male facial beauty all smacks of femininity, or worse.

So there’s this thing we want to talk about, in fact want to celebrate in some of our number, but the vocabulary we have would subject us to ridicule or worse. We are in a cleft stick.

The obvious solution is linguistic innovation. College kids, both sexes (but guys do it a lot for show), are given to inventing slang, lots of it, and passing it around. There are good reasons why they do it — affirming group identity is a powerful one — but somewhere down on the list of reasons is the actual need for an expression that will fill a gap in the available vocabulary.

English has rich resources for fresh expressions, among them the recruitment of an N + N compound from the essentially inexhaustible resource of possible but hitherto unused compounds. Somewhere in the American college world in the 1950s, some guy ventured on face + man ‘man having something to do with the bodypart the face’ specialized to refer to a man with a notably handsome face, an expression that would be free of the stigmas associated with Adj + N expressions that have adjectives like beautiful, or handsome, or even good-looking or attractive.

(In case you missed this, the problem was not adjectives like beautiful in themselves. These guys were entirely comfortable with talking about beautiful stuff in arts contexts (Eduard Hanslick’s The Beautiful in Music struck no one as feminine or queer, even if Hanslick did come down on the side of the lyrical Verdi rather than the muscular Wagner, whose music he detested), about handsome thoroughbreds or furniture, or of course about good-looking or attractive women. The problem arose only with references to male beauty.)

In any case, the innovation was inspired (it’s short and easy, just two very familiar syllables, and it makes some kind of sense on first hearing), it spread fast, and it’s lasted for 70 or so years. (If you’re a word person like me, it’s also entertaining. I mean, face man could be referring to a man who was nothing but a face, no body, no limbs, just a huge face.)

I am, however, left with the puzzle of why none of the standard general dictionaries has this compound in it. I know, I know, lexicography is hard.

The cadenza and the coda

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Morning names for today (4/29), set off by a cadenza in a Mozart piano concerto that was playing when I got up just after midnight for a brief whizz break. The word cadenza led me immediately to coda, both musical bits coming at the end, also both sounding sort of Italian (which, in fact, they once were), indeed sounding very similar at their beginnings (/kǝd/ vs. /kod/) — but it turns out that though their etymologies both go back to Latin, a cadenza is a falling (or, metaphorically, a death) and a coda is a tail.

(#1) A tv ad: Help me! I’m in a cadenza and I can’t get up!

(#2) A linguistic Tom Swifty: “Coda, my ass! That’s a coati or a koala, I don’t know which”, quoted Cody in Kodiak.

Before things fracture completely into obscure allusions and elaborate wordplay, a bit of sober lexicography, summarized in NOAD:

noun cadenza: a virtuoso solo passage inserted into a movement in a concerto or other work, typically near the end. ORIGIN mid 18th century: from Italian (see cadence).

noun cadence: 1 [a] a modulation or inflection of the voice: the measured cadences that he employed in the Senate. [2] a modulation in reading aloud as implied by the structure and ordering of words and phrases in written text: the dry cadences of the essay. [3] a fall in pitch of the voice at the end of a phrase or sentence. [4] rhythm: the thumping cadence of the engines | try to vary your cadence during a run. 2 a sequence of notes or chords comprising the close of a musical phrase: the final cadences of the Prelude. ORIGIN late Middle English (in the sense ‘rhythm or metrical beat’): via Old French from Italian cadenza, based on Latin cadere ‘to fall’.

noun coda: Music [a] the concluding passage of a piece or movement, typically forming an addition to the basic structure: the first movement ends with a fortissimo coda. [b] the concluding section of a dance, especially of a pas de deux or the finale of a ballet in which the dancers parade before the audience. [c] a concluding event, remark, or section: his new novel is a kind of coda to his previous books. ORIGIN mid 18th century: Italian, from Latin cauda ‘tail’.

Latin reflexes of these in English include:

from cadō  ‘fall, die’: (with the cad– stem:) cadence, cadenza, cadaver; (with the cid– stem:) incident, accident, (grammatical) accidence, all those murderous –cide words (homicide, suicide, etc.)

from cauda ‘tail’: besides coda, some anatomical terms — noun cauda ‘a structure resembling a tail’, adjectives caudal, caudat

The noun accidence might be a surprise; it’s a now old-fashioned metaphorical technical term of grammar, in particular of morphology: accidence meaning ‘inflection’, referring to the inflectional forms of a lexical item. In the Latin grammatical tradition, a lexical item is referred to by its first principal part, — a specific form of the item — and the other forms are viewed as derived from this form, as metaphorically “falling” from it.

Examples of these citation forms for a verb, a noun, and an adjective:

V: 1sg present active indicative cadō ‘I fall’

N: nominative sg cauda ‘tail’

A: masculine nominative sg magnus ‘great, large’

Meanwhile, I had hoped that there would be uses of coda preserving the (animal) tail sense, especially with the metaphorical extension to human buttocks, which would then open up the possibility of specializing this use to the sense ‘piece of tail, buttocks considered as an object of sexual desire’ (esp. male buttocks). That would be a fine piece of sexual slang. Apparently that obvious semantic development has not yet happened; both GDoS and OED3 (Sept. 2020) lack a sexual sense for coda.

However, as a professional writer and a scholar of both grammar, style and usage and gender and sexuality, I have license to innovate — unaccountably, my actual License to Innovate (a spiffy gold-embossed certificate issued by the American Dialect Society to a select few, the veritable Shakespeares among us) has not yet arrived in the mail, but trust me, I know what I’m doing.

What I’m doing, specifically, is providing a fresh caption for this image from a 2021 Labor Day sale of Falcon Studios gay porn:


(#3) He scored a fine piece of gay coda at the takeout shop

But, before I descend into the playfulness of #1 and #2, a word about:

False cadenza / coda friends in English. Things that look like reflexes of Latin cadō and cauda in English, but aren’t. Some of these irrelevancies in brief:

cadet, caddie, cad (< Lat. caput ‘head)

cadre (< Lat. quadum ‘a square’)

caduceus (< Gk.)

codex ‘ancient manuscript text in book form; an official list of medicines’, codicil ‘an addition or supplement that explains, modifies, or revokes a will or part of one’ (< Lat. codex ‘block of wood’, later denoting a block split into leaves or tablets for writing on, hence a book)

I go into some detail on codicil because, during my midnight moment of urinary pleasure while listening to a Mozart cadenza, I was convinced that a /kad/ word that looked like a diminutive (in fact it is one) and referred to an addendum of some kind was obviously related to coda. Alas, even I sometimes leap to the lure of false friends. (So don’t feel bad if you do on occasion. But go for the facts, not good feelings.)

Goofy stuff, shading gay. Wordplay time, with #1 and #2. I won’t unpack everything, but I’ll at least refer glancingly to most of it.

(#1) A tv ad: Help me! I’m in a cadenza and I can’t get up!

#1 is, relatively speaking, starkly simple. There’s the tv commercial for the LifeLine medical alert system, with the pathetic cry “I’ve fallen and I can’t get up”, and there’s the play on the etymological falling in cadenza. 

(#2) A linguistic Tom Swifty: “Coda, my ass! That’s a coati or a koala, I don’t know which”, quoted Cody in Kodiak.

#2 packs a big pile of stuff into a linguistic Tom Swifty (a joke form that will be unfamiliar to nearly all of my readers), and combines that with a play on the etymological tail in coda — not directly, but figuratively, in the noun ass (photo in #3). The noun ass appearing in the text as part of an idiomatic phrase. From NOAD:

phrase my ass: North American vulgar slang used to convey that one does not believe something that has just been said: sold out, my ass!

But the Tom Swifty. From my 12/23/16 posting “and the art horse you rode in on”, in a section on the joke form the Tom Swifty (We must hurry,’ said Tom swiftly), crucially involving (in this order) a verb of speaking, its proper-name subject, and a manner adverbial in –ly:

Linguists developed their own variant of the Tom Swifty, using adverbials of the form in L (where L is a language name), instead of manner adverbials in –ly. For example: “Down, Spot!”  he commanded in Dalmatian.

Then there’s phonological play on or (mostly) around the /kod/ of coda: in references to the coati and koala (both animals discussed on this blog), the verb form quoted (a crucial part of the Tom Swifty), the proper name Cody (another crucial part of the Tom Swifty), and the place name Kodiak (which is also a language name, and so fits into the linguistic Tom Swifty).

Cody. Available as FN or LN, and a very common gay porn name in both positions, possibly from William Frederick “Buffalo Bill” Cody as a cowboy name (and from Cody WY, named after him). Cowboy names are high-masculinity names, so excellent for gay porn names. (I then wonder: has Cody Cummings ever done Brandon Cody? Has anyone ever risked taking the porn name Cody Cody?)

There’s even a Sean Cody gay porn video company, making high-end porn:


(#4) Sean Cody model Liev doing a sweetly seductive half-smile and a cock tease

Kodiak. From Wikipedia:

The Alutiiq language (also called Sugpiak, Sugpiaq, Sugcestun, Suk, Supik, Pacific Gulf Yupik, Gulf Yupik, Koniag-Chugach) is a close relative to the Central Alaskan Yup’ik language spoken in the western and southwestern Alaska, but is considered a distinct language. It has two major dialects [the first being]:

Koniag Alutiiq: spoken on the upper part of the Alaska Peninsula and on Kodiak Island

(Koniag and Kodiak are different spellings for the same place name / language name, Kodiak being the conventional spelling in English.)

CODA. Having slipped into gay mode with Cody, I was moved to wonder if there was gay coda in any use at all, forget the buttocks. Well, yes, sort of.

What there is is CODA / Coda Tours, “a leader in small group luxury travel for the gay and lesbian community” (from the website).

Unfortunately, I have found no clue as to the source of the name (which looks like an acronym, but for what?).

At the end of the day. Now, as the sun falls in the west and the Cody cadenza swells, our tour group bids farewell to the gay callipygian cowboys of Kodiak (where the bears come from).

Ravioli stuffed with Italian sausage

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(Some indirect and asterisked reference to man-on-man sex, but, hey, it’s from the Associated Press.)

Or: Love among the mobsters.  In some hot news:

Chicago (AP wire story) — An odd chapter in American mobsterdom came to an end in a hail of bullets yesterday as thugs of the Buonanotte crime family gunned down Pasquale “Patsy” Baloney, the famously vicious soldato for — and long-time secret lover of — capo Carlo “Charlie” Ravioli of the Bastardo family, who died of a massive heart attack only two months ago.

How it came about that Mafia mastermind Ravioli (smooth, urbane, a patron of Italian opera and respectable public face for the Bastardos, but also a genius at organized vice and a ruthlessly effective boss) connected sexually with his favored soldier Baloney (crude, vulgar, foul-mouthed, and vicious — often compared to Doug Piranha) is something of a mystery, but it was an open secret in the family, tolerated out of respect for Ravioli, rather than meeting the customary bullets to the back of the head for men labeled “faggots”. Even more remarkable because it was known that Ravioli was entirely subordinate and submissive in every way, accepting with grace Baloney’s referring to him as “my woman” and Baloney’s recounting in detail to his (openly revolted) fellow soldiers the sexual services Ravioli supplied for him (none of which, apparently, were reciprocated in any way). Despite the tolerance, a standing Bastardo dirty joke crowed that Charlie’s ravioli was getting stuffed with Italian sausage.

One fellow soldier, interviewed off-record for this story, just shrugged his shoulders, admitting that the mysteries of man-to-man attraction were inscrutable to him. (Verbatim: “You never f**king know what the f**k those c**ks**ker c**tboys will get off on”.)

Buonanotte-family soldiers now maintain that they had proposed to impale “that *ss-burglar Baloney” on a red-hot poker (their capo Luigi “Louisville” Esposito had apparently seen Derek Jarman’s film Edward II and been impressed by it), but that in the end the plan seemed overly complicated and required too much unfamiliar equipment, so they fell back on their familiar routine for offing the competition.

Today the streets of Chicago are tense with the possibility of a Mafia gang war.

And that’s the news from the mean streets.

Background: Patsy Baloney and Charlie Ravioli. From my 6/29/22 posting “Patsy Baloney”, about this as a mis-transcription of the name Pat Cipollone (the former White House counsel, now much in the news): Pasquale Anthony “Pat” Cipollone — thus accidentally creating the fictive low-level thug in the Mafia.

I’ll start with the names.

Patsy and Pat are nicknames for Pasquale (originally ‘paschal, relating to Passover / Easter’). Patsy tends to be associated with Mafia usage, as here:

Pasquale “Patsy” Conte (born March 12, 1925) is an American mobster who became a caporegime with the Gambino crime family. He also owned a bunch of Key Food supermarkets. (Wikipedia link)

Pasquale Lolordo (1887 – January 8, 1929), also known as Pasqualino or “Patsy”, was an Italian-born American Mafia boss from Ribera, Sicily, and head of the Chicago chapter of the Unione Siciliana, a “front” organization for the Mafia. Lolordo was considered one of the most powerful mafia bosses during the late 1920s. (Wikipedia link)

Cipollone (literally ‘big onion’ — an augmentative version of cipolla ‘onion’) originally referred to someone with a big head, now is just a surname.

Baloney is a lot more complicated. To start with, AmE has two nouns bologna and baloney, both pronounced /bǝlóni/. From NOAD:

noun bolognaNorth American a large smoked [AZ: everyday American bologna, from the Oscar Mayer company, say, is not smoked], seasoned sausage made of various meats, especially beef and pork. [elliptical for — a beheading of — the Source / Origin compound Bologna sausage ‘a large kind of sausage first made at Bologna (in Italy)’; OED2’s 1st cite for Bologna sausage is from 1833]

noun baloneyinformal 1 foolish or deceptive talk; nonsense: typical salesman’s baloney. 2 North American [spelling] variant of bologna. [OED2 on sense 1: “Commonly regarded as < bologna n. (sausage) but the connection remains conjectural”; OED2’s 1st cite for this usage is from 1928]

More detail on the sausage from Wikipedia:

Bologna sausage, also spelled baloney, is a sausage derived from the Italian mortadella, a similar-looking, finely ground pork sausage containing cubes of pork fat, originally from the city of Bologna [in northern Italy]. Typical seasonings for bologna include black pepper, nutmeg, allspice, celery seed and coriander, and, like mortadella, myrtle berries give it its distinctive flavor.


(#1) Bologna slices (photo: MILANFOTO via Getty Images)

Meanwhile, Bologna (pronounced in AmE /bǝlónjǝ/) is a fairly common Italian-American name, sometimes belonging to mobsters. Perhaps most famously, John Bologna. From the MassLive site, “FBI files on John Bologna offer new information on Mafia in Springfield [MA]” by Stephanie Barry on 5/23/17:

New York gangster John Bologna died in prison [in January 2017].

It was something of an irony, since he played the long game to stay out of jail for decades as an FBI informant. All the while, he still made a robust illegal living shoulder-to-shoulder with Mafia bosses from New York City to Springfield.

And then Ravioli. A rare, but attested, Italian and Italian-American surname. But mostly a play on the food name. From Wikipedia:


(#2) On the Jamie Oliver cooking site, a recipe for Bolognese ravioli with a simple tomato sauce: ravioli filled with Bolognese (that is, Bolognese sauce, the M(ass) noun Bolognese being a beheading of the full nominal), a combination of minced pork and minced veal or beef

Ravioli … are a type of pasta comprising a filling enveloped in thin pasta dough. Usually served in broth or with a sauce, they originated as a traditional food in Italian cuisine. Ravioli are commonly square, though other forms are also used, including circular and semi-circular (mezzelune).

The word ‘ravioli’ means “little turnips” in Italian dialect, from the Italian rava meaning turnips, from the Latin rapa.

… Traditionally, ravioli are made at home. The filling varies according to the area where they are prepared. In Rome and Latium the filling is made with ricotta cheese, spinach, nutmeg and black pepper. In Sardinia, ravioli are filled with ricotta and grated lemon rind.

… Canned ravioli were pioneered by the Italian Army in the First World War and were popularized by Heinz and Buitoni in the UK and Europe, and Chef Boyardee in the United States. Canned ravioli may be filled with beef, processed cheese, chicken, or Italian sausage and served in a tomato, tomato-meat, or tomato-cheese sauce.

The Jamie Oliver recipe is an elegant reproduction of the canned stuff.

The full name Charlie Ravioli (which I have shamelessly borrowed here) is an invention of the 3-year-old Olivia Gopnik, as described by her father Adam in a 2002 New Yorker piece that then appeared in his book Through the Children’s Gate: A Home in New York (2007). I turn now to Charlie.

The perpetually busy New Yorker Charlie Ravioli. My characterization of Patsy Baloney as a low-level thug in the Mafia struck a chord with my old (like, of 60+ years) friend Benita Bendon Campbell, who wrote me on 7/6 to connect Patsy to Charlie:

I  am so grateful to you for Patsy Baloney …  I think Patsy is a stalwart colleague of Charlie Ravioli, Olivia Gopnik’s imaginary acquaintance …. I have always suspected Charlie of some nefarious gangland shenanigans — otherwise why did he ignore Olivia’s messages so often?

The fantasy world is preferable to the Real One, just now.

(Bonnie is in no way responsible for what I’ve done with Patsy and Charlie, in my fantasy world.)

From the New Yorker‘s 9/30/02 issue, “Bumping into Mr. Ravioli: A theory of busyness, and its hero” by Adam Gopnik, on-line on 9/23:

My daughter Olivia, who just turned three, has an imaginary friend whose name is Charlie Ravioli. Olivia is growing up in Manhattan, and so Charlie Ravioli has a lot of local traits: he lives in an apartment “on Madison and Lexington,” he dines on grilled chicken, fruit, and water, and, having reached the age of seven and a half, he feels, or is thought, “old.” But the most peculiarly local thing about Olivia’s imaginary playmate is this: he is always too busy to play with her. She holds her toy cell phone up to her ear, and we hear her talk into it: “Ravioli? It’s Olivia . . . It’s Olivia. Come and play? O.K. Call me. Bye.” Then she snaps it shut, and shakes her head. “I always get his machine,” she says. Or she will say, “I spoke to Ravioli today.” “Did you have fun?” my wife and I ask. “No. He was busy working. On a television” (leaving it up in the air if he repairs electronic devices or has his own talk show).

On a good day, she “bumps into” her invisible friend and they go to a coffee shop. “I bumped into Charlie Ravioli,” she announces at dinner (after a day when, of course, she stayed home, played, had a nap, had lunch, paid a visit to the Central Park Zoo, and then had another nap). “We had coffee, but then he had to run.” She sighs, sometimes, at her inability to make their schedules mesh, but she accepts it as inevitable, just the way life is. “I bumped into Charlie Ravioli today,” she says. “He was working.” Then she adds brightly, “But we hopped into a taxi.” What happened then? we ask. “We grabbed lunch,” she says.

Innocent Olivia doesn’t realize that Charlie’s busyness is merely clever cover for his mob activities (and his clandestine couplings with Patsy), and has nothing to do with television. Well, she’s only 3, with very little knowledge of the wicked world, and she goes on what she sees. To her, Charlie seems to be just another upper-middle-class New Yorker.

More background: mob notes. From NOAD:

noun capo-2 : mainly North American the head of a crime syndicate, especially the Mafia, or a branch of one: the Sicilian capo claims he controls most of the world’s heroin trade. [ultimately < Latin caput ‘head’]

And then from Wikipedia:

A soldato or soldier is the first official level of both the American Mafia and the Sicilian Mafia in the formal Mafia hierarchy or cadre. The promotion to the rank of soldier is an elevation in the chain of command from the associate level. The associate, who is not an initiated member of the Mafia, must prove himself to the family and take the oath of Omertà in order to become an initiated made man and therefore rise to the rank of soldato.

…  A soldier’s main responsibility is to earn money and give a portion of his profits up to his capo.

… [Soldiers] also serve as muscle of their crime family. Like an associate, he can also be relied on to commit acts of intimidation, threats, violence and murder. The soldier is obliged to obey orders from his capo to commit murder for his crime family.

Capo Ravioli, soldato Baloney.

The Ravioli-Baloney dirty joke. You can of course fill, or stuff, ravioli, the pasta, with sausage meat of any number of varieties originating in Italy; Jamie Oliver’s recipe uses what is essentially bologna (aka baloney) meat, so it is in fact ravioli stuffed with baloney.

On the other hand, Ravioli stuffed with Baloney — with the British sexual verb stuff ‘pedicate, prong, screw’ (you get the idea) — is a dirty joke, a crude slur on Charlie and Patsy’s physical expression of their desire for one another.

The opportunities for dirty jokes here are rich; above I mentioned

a standing Bastardo dirty joke … that Charlie’s ravioli was getting stuffed with Italian sausage

which opens things up in several dimensions. For one thing, there’s proper Ravioli vs. common ravioli again, plus a sexual metaphor in which ravioli as receptacles for stuffing stand for a sexcavity as receptacle for a penis.

[Digression on C(ount) and M(ass). The Wikipedia article on ravioli and the Wikipedia entry for ravioli (‘small pasta envelopes containing ground meat, cheese, or vegetables’) both treat the English noun ravioli as PL C, as the Italian noun ravioli is (the PL of raviolo), but this is not at all the vernacular AmE treatment of the noun, which is as (SG) M. OED3 (Dec. 2008) gets it right:

As a mass noun: pasta in the form of square, circular, or semicircular envelopes with a filling of cheese, vegetables, or meat, usually served with a sauce. Also occasionally with plural agreement.

Similarly in AHD5.

(I realize that this is a digression in a digression, but in this particular posting of mine, it’s irresistible. OED3 has the following note:

Some sources state that ravioli should not be stuffed with meat …, but in English usage this does not seem to be widely observed.

Oh my.)]

Then to sausage, which has a wider range of usages than you might have thought. NOAD nails two:

noun sausage: [a] an item of food in the form of a cylindrical length of minced pork or other meat encased in a skin, typically sold raw to be grilled or fried before eating. [b] minced and seasoned meat that has been encased in a skin and cooked or preserved, sold mainly to be eaten cut up in slices: smoked German sausage.

The first complexity here is that for many speakers, sausage in both of these senses seems to be doubly classified for C/M, so that these speakers are comfortable both with Get some sausages for dinner (PL C) and Get some sausage for dinner (SG M), referring in both cases to the purchase of food items in encased links. Contrast this treatment with that of frankfurter and hot dog (among other nouns), which are resolutely C only. And — surprise! — with yet another sense of sausage ‘sausage meat’ (another beheading), which is resolutely M only (since it refers to ground meat, which is stuff rather than things).  Here, two ads for Johnsonville (hot) Italian sausage, the first with sausage in NOAD‘s sense a ‘(raw) link sausage’, the second with beheaded sausage ‘sausage meat”:


(#3) We’ve got the wienies


(#4) We’ve got the meat

The dirty joke in Charlie’s ravioli was getting stuffed with Italian sausage plays on the two senses: if you culinarily stuff ravioli with sausage, that’s the ground meat in #4; while if you sexually stuff a guy (like Ravioli) with sausage, that’s the bodypart counterpart to the links in #3 (Ravioli’s getting screwed with Italian dick).

One more twist. Alas, Italian sausage above doesn’t refer to just any sausage originating in Italy; not bologna / baloney, for example, or any of the varieties of salami, or uncured pisto. The expression here is an AmE idiom, referring to a particular type of mortadella(-ish) sausage. From Wikipedia:


(#5) From a “How to cook Italian sausages” page, a photo of links in the pan

In North America, Italian sausage (salsiccia in Italian) most often refers to a style of pork sausage. The sausage is often noted for being seasoned with fennel as the primary seasoning.

So we come around to another version of the dirty joke, the one in my title (Ravioli stuffed with Italian sausage), in which Ravioli, the person, gets sexually stuffed with a metaphorical Italian penis (in the shape of an Italian sausage link like those in #5).

That’s a dirty joke, also an elaborate pun, with an entirely innocent gastronomic interpretation, in  which a guy named Ravioli has eaten salsiccia to his limits or his satisfaction.

Meanwhile, I find that #5 makes my mouth water. Linguistic pragmatics is hard; let’s get eating.

Who am I kidding?

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(Note: in this posting I’m going to be unrelentingly careful about the way I frame descriptions of linguistic phenomena (not falling back on the descriptive language of school grammar, which would be familiar to readers but which I believe to be fucked up beyond repair). So there will be a lot of technical talk here; please try to play along, but I don’t think there’s any way to do this right without re-thinking everything from the ground up.)

This is about a perfectly common expression — Who am I kidding? — that went past me in a flash on Facebook this morning but caused me (as a student of GUS — grammar, usage, and style / register) to reflect on the pronoun case in it. On the interrogative human pronoun, appearing here in what I’ll call its Form 1, who, rather than its Form 2, whom.

The pronoun in this expression is the direct object of the verb in the expression, KID, appearing in sentence-initial position (appearing “fronted”) in the WH-question construction of English. There’s nothing at all remarkable about this: in general, both forms of this pronoun are available as syntactic objects (of verbs or prepositions) in the language, differing only in their style / register (very roughly, formal whom vs informal who), with the special case of an object pronoun actually in combination with its governing preposition, which is  obligatorily in Form 2:

Who / Whom did you speak to? BUT *To who / ✓to whom did you speak?

So there’s nothing remarkable about Who am I kidding? It’s just informal.

What’s remarkable is the unacceptability of Whom am I kidding? The stylistic discord between the formality of object whom and the informality of the idiom WH-Pro am I kidding? is unresolvable. To put it another way, the choice of the Form 1 pronoun here is part of the idiom. Just like the choice of the PRP form of the verb KID, conveying progressive aspect: Who do I kid? lacks the idiomatic meaning.

Background: the idiom (and a closely related one), from The Free Dictionary by Farlex (edited by AZ for form):

Who am I kidding?: an expression of self-doubt. Oh, who am I kidding, running for mayor — I’ll never win. | Taking art classes at my age — who am I kidding?

Who is (someone) kidding?: Would anyone really believe anything so ridiculous or obviously untrue? A: “I’m going to be super rich and run my own company once I’m on my own!” B: “Who are you kidding, Tom? You’re so lazy that you’re barely even going to graduate high school.” | He shows up at these public events with teary eyes, but who is he kidding?

Note: the present-tense verb form is not part of the idiom; both idioms are fine in the past tense: Who was I kidding? Who was he kidding?

(Yes, the idioms are conventionalized rhetorical questions.)

A parallel. Involving the choice of what I’ve called the shapes of forms rather than the choice of forms. From my 11/21/17 posting “??That is aliens for you”, in a section about Auxiliary Reduction (AuxRed) in English (in, for example, who’s versus unreduced who is):

certain words — “little” grammatical words — are especially accommodating hosts for AuxRed: expletive it, expletive there, demonstrative that, interrogative what, who, where, and how, personal pronouns I, you, it, she, he, we, they, complementizer and relativizer that. With these, unreduced auxiliaries are likely to convey either notable formality or emphasis.

As a result, an informal-style idiom that has one of these accommodating hosts followed by the very easily reducible auxiliary is is very likely to be frozen in its AuxRed version: the formality of the unreduced auxiliary would conflict fatally with the informal style of the idiom as a whole. So we get “obligatory AuxRed” idioms like these two:

How’s the boy? ‘How are you?’ (a greeting from a man to a male familiar)

What’s up? ‘What is the matter?’ or ‘What is happening?

“And …:

That’s NP for you ‘That’s characteristic of NP’, ‘That’s the way NP is/are’

So: That’s aliens for you ‘That’s the way aliens are’, but ??That is aliens for you.

That is, in these cases the choice of the reduced shape is (again) part of the idiom.


Singing my praises

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🐅 🐅 🐅 three tigers! for ultimate May and the end of the spring months

Facebook responses to my 5/24 posting “Who am I kidding?” (about this idiom) included two — very different in their focus — that were touchingly laudatory. With considerable misgivings about blowing my own horn, I’m going to reproduce some of this discussion here (and will reproduce the body of the 5/24 posting as an appendix to this posting, so that you can easily see what Chris Brew (computational linguist at the Ohio State University) and Lise Menn (psycholinguist at the University of Colorado) were talking about).

CB’s praise. His original response, and then my reply to it, which took us (as conversations will) far afield (nobody expects the Mendelssohn Octet).

CB: This is a great little piece. It’s just exactly technical enough, and accessible and interesting for linguists and non-linguists alike. Everyone gets taught something about idioms, but what is taught is often confusing and wrong. Nice to have something better.

AZ > CB: Wow, Chris. Thank you. Of course I had 60 years of practice to develop my skill at this kind of writing (which is a lot like my analyses of cartoons — pretty much always an astonishment to my cartoonist friends). And then my first hit publication was “Auxiliary Reduction in English” in, omigod, 1970, and I’ve been toiling in the AuxRed field (mostly in collaboration with Geoff Pullum) ever since, so *that* material was right to hand.

The piece exhibits not so much some kind of freakish ability (how on earth Mendelssohn could produce the masterpiece of his Octet as a fucking *teenager* [he was 16] I will never understand; I totally understand Keith Richards practicing his guitar doggedly all his life), but is a tribute to fruits of constant practice, refinement of skills, reworking of material, and rethinking. Plus researching and writing for long days, every day of the year. Oh yes, I totally love doing this stuff.

[This reply garnered loves from CB and John Lawler.]

CB > AZ: Most people underestimate the value of just sticking at it.

Mendelssohn wrote 13 highly competent string symphonies BEFORE the octet. That must be part of why.

AZ > CB: You’re right about Mendelssohn, of course. But somehow all that preparatory journeyman symphony-writing burst into bloom as one of the monuments of 19th-century Romantic music. Just fabulous music.

LM’s praise. Veers into meta-commentary: she praises my posting (“a sweet bit of analysis”) but then focuses on the circumstances of its creation.

LM: A sweet bit of analysis by Arnold Zwicky, posted in his blog this morning. Arnold, who I’ve known since 1974, is astounding: beset by a number of serious health problems, he crafts essays like this one for pure pleasure. [with a link to “Who am I kidding?”]

This comment has gotten 19 reactions on FB. But — given its meta nature — it’s not clear that these 19 people actually read my posting; they might merely have been approving of the sentiments in LM’s comments. In contrast, my own FB announcement of the posting got only 4 reactions.

What I do, why I do it, how I do it. CB’s comment immediately provoked a response from me about the craft of writing about language for a general audience — for civilians, as I sometimes think of it — and (implicitly) about understanding where the audience is (probably) coming from but also trying to get them to play along with you even when you’ll be challenging some of their presuppositions about the material, including some things that they’ve been taught; and also about grounding this writing in extensive and detailed knowledge of the phenomena of particular languages, especially of English, the language of your writing.

This is, of course, teaching, except without the physical and social setting of the classroom: no faces to scan; no immediate feedback; little knowledge of who, specifically, the audience is; no fostering of a classroom culture of mutual trust and openness; no general agreement about what you are all doing together. Blogging on language is like giving a class to an empty room.

On the other hand, you can polish your stuff as you would for publication.

Why do I do it? For various reasons, my days of classroom teaching ended a long time ago. But blogging gives me an outlet for my passion for analysis (I’ll find orderliness and organization in practically anything), my fascination with the extraordinary variety of  language use, and the joy I take in revealing these things to other people. (Pretty much anybody else: every one of my paid caregivers has been pulled into my enthusiasms.)

Beware the juggernaut, my friends!

How do I do it? Some brief notes on my inclinations in approaching the task of writing (and doing my research)

First important thing: I’m a miniaturist by preference — see the 5/24 post (and the “How do I do it? section of this posting you are now reading). Not naturally given to sweeping views of things, to Big Ideas, to grand syntheses. More likely to seek larger lessons in small things, carefully examined.

Second: I’m also a restless thinker and performer, a kind of Isaiah Berlin superfox — who knows and says many things, and makes associative, often playful, leaps from one thing to another (no hedgehog I).

Then there’s the matter of conveying important things about complex subjects to people who know little about these things: you’ve got to leave a lot out, you’ll have to traffic in useful half-truths, and you’ll have to look for colorful but effective metaphors.

Finally, I discovered over 20 years ago that even wonderfully crafted postings might fall on deaf ears because I’m an expert, and people tend to be wary indeed of self-styled experts, especially when the news the experts bring doesn’t accord with their preconceived ideas.

The cure for the problem seems to be a sense of personal connection between you and your readers. If they know about you as a person, see you as not only earnest but also empathetic, with their own interests at heart, they’ll be more willing to play along and to trust what you have to say. I have a wide range of stories about people (including my colleagues in other academic fields) who were deeply resistant to my messages — until they experienced me in a social context where they could judge me to be a good guy, empathetic, and trustworthy (some of them became friends).

I used to fret that my success in linguistics was entirely down to my being a nice guy (despite all that obtrusive queer stuff). But I was young and insecure then; partly through the opinions of people who admired, and some who loved, me, I came to see that I had plenty of genuine talents — but also that being a nice guy amplifies their effects

Appendix 1. From OED2 for the verb sing, in the idiom sing one’s praises (really, sing X’s praises, where X is a person or thing): ‘to be loud in laudation of’ [1st cite 1565; Thackeray, The Virginians (1858) May we … not sing the praises of our favourite plant?]

Note the two syntactic forms: sing X’s praises / sing the praises of X.

Appendix 2. The 5/24 posting:

—–
This is about a perfectly common expression — Who am I kidding? — that went past me in a flash on Facebook this morning but caused me (as a student of GUS — grammar, usage, and style / register) to reflect on the pronoun case in it. On the interrogative human pronoun, appearing here in what I’ll call its Form 1, who, rather than its Form 2, whom.

The pronoun in this expression is the direct object of the verb in the expression, KID, appearing in sentence-initial position (appearing “fronted”) in the WH-question construction of English. There’s nothing at all remarkable about this: in general, both forms of this pronoun are available as syntactic objects (of verbs or prepositions) in the language, differing only in their style / register (very roughly, formal whom vs informal who), with the special case of an object pronoun actually in combination with its governing preposition, which is  obligatorily in Form 2:

Who / Whom did you speak to? BUT *To who / ✓to whom did you speak?

So there’s nothing remarkable about Who am I kidding? It’s just informal.

What’s remarkable is the unacceptability of Whom am I kidding? The stylistic discord between the formality of object whom and the informality of the idiom WH-Pro am I kidding? is unresolvable. To put it another way, the choice of the Form 1 pronoun here is part of the idiom. Just like the choice of the PRP form of the verb KID, conveying progressive aspect: Who do I kid? lacks the idiomatic meaning.

Background: the idiom (and a closely related one), from The Free Dictionary by Farlex (edited by AZ for form):

Who am I kidding?: an expression of self-doubt. Oh, who am I kidding, running for mayor — I’ll never win. | Taking art classes at my age — who am I kidding?

Who is (someone) kidding?: Would anyone really believe anything so ridiculous or obviously untrue? A: “I’m going to be super rich and run my own company once I’m on my own!” B: “Who are you kidding, Tom? You’re so lazy that you’re barely even going to graduate high school.” | He shows up at these public events with teary eyes, but who is he kidding?

Note: the present-tense verb form is not part of the idiom; both idioms are fine in the past tense: Who was I kidding? Who was he kidding?

(Yes, the idioms are conventionalized rhetorical questions.)

A parallel. Involving the choice of what I’ve called the shapes of forms rather than the choice of forms. From my 11/21/17 posting “??That is aliens for you”, in a section about Auxiliary Reduction (AuxRed) in English (in, for example, who’s versus unreduced who is):

certain words — “little” grammatical words — are especially accommodating hosts for AuxRed: expletive it, expletive there, demonstrative that, interrogative what, who, where, and how, personal pronouns I, you, it, she, he, we, they, complementizer and relativizer that. With these, unreduced auxiliaries are likely to convey either notable formality or emphasis.

As a result, an informal-style idiom that has one of these accommodating hosts followed by the very easily reducible auxiliary is is very likely to be frozen in its AuxRed version: the formality of the unreduced auxiliary would conflict fatally with the informal style of the idiom as a whole. So we get “obligatory AuxRed” idioms like these two:

How’s the boy? ‘How are you?’ (a greeting from a man to a male familiar)

What’s up? ‘What is the matter?’ or ‘What is happening?

And …:

That’s NP for you ‘That’s characteristic of NP’, ‘That’s the way NP is/are’

So: That’s aliens for you ‘That’s the way aliens are’, but ??That is aliens for you.

That is, in these cases the choice of the reduced shape is (again) part of the idiom.
—–

 

going down there

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(some explorations in sexual slang, with some street language, so not suitable for kids or the sexually modest)

A follow-up to yesterday’s posting “down there”, on male-genital down there, with a section on locational down there in Christopher Isherwood’s title Down There on a Visit (which comes with a strongly sexual tinge) — effectively ‘being down there’. An e-mail comment from Victor Steinbok:

oddly enough, going down there  doesn’t have the [AZ: oral sexual] meaning of going down

To which I replied:

Well, it can, with enough context — I can certainly construct the examples, which have going down as a constituent (with an oblique object marked with on), rather than down there as a constituent — but without such context, yes.

Of course, I’ve now gone on to supply an example, with some context supplied. And some comments on ambiguity.

My way-gay example:

I’m off to the baths. I’m going down there on every guy who offers me his dick.

This has the sexual slang idiom go down (on) ‘perform oral sex’.  From NOAD:

[V+Prt] verb go down on (go down on someone): vulgar slang perform oral sex on someone.

That is, go down there is in fact constructionally ambiguous (with accompanying lexical ambiguities), with two parsings:

[ go ] [ down there ]: motion verb go + location adverb down there (denoting the goal of motion); down there has the location adverb there as its head, with down as a modifying directional adverb

[ go down ] [ there ]: sexual verb+particle go down ‘perform oral sex’ + locational there (denoting the location where the oral sex takes place)

Notes on ambiguity. The big lesson, which I intone every so often, is that (potential) ambiguity is a feature of language, not a defect. So, again and again, an expression you think of as unambiguous in its understanding (because you see the meaning that’s appropriate to the context) turns out to have other understandings, sometimes quite surprising ones (like going down there ‘performing oral sex in that place’); you just have to switch the context.

Then you won’t be surprised to hear that going down there is more than two-ways ambiguous. I won’t say how many ways, because I don’t know how many further understandings there are, even if I focus only on ways of understanding V+Prt go down (in its PRP form going down). Some possibilities (extracted from NOAD):

go down ‘sink or crash’: We saw the ship going down there.

go down(of a person, period, or event) be recorded or remembered in a particular way’ (NOAD): Get the family record book; your long-lost cousin Alfie is going down there.

go down ‘be swallowed’: She’s taking the medicine at school: it’s going down there more easily than at home.

go down ‘get worse in quality’: Don’t buy stuff at Zeebie’s any more; the merchandise has been going down there for months now.

(North American informal, according to NOAD) go down ‘happen’: I’m puzzled by the situation in Marvin Gardens; dude, I don’t understand what’s going down there.

(Wait! Think of all the uses of the PRP in going down!)

 

Two pun cartoons

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Promised on 10/3 (yes, 19 days ago), in my posting “coming soon, two pun cartoons” (by Kaamran Hafeez and Tom Chitty), now realized: the puns hìp replácement (from KH, on the model híp replàcement) and you look like you’ve seen a goat (from TC, on the model you look like you’ve seen a ghost) — both of them (phonologically) imperfect, but close.

(Both KH and TC have Pages on this blog: KH here; TC here.)

KH: the bedside surprise. The patient is disgruntled to discover that though he was expecting a híp replàcement, he’s been given a hìp replácement:


(#1) Two different structures, two different accent placements

The model expression is hip replacement — a N + N compound noun meaning ‘(surgical) replacement of a hip’ (and with the primary accent on the first element, the bodypart N hip). Like blackbird  referring to species of American birds in the family Icteridae. The pun is hip replacement — an Adj + N nominal with the adjective hip (and with the primary accent on the second element, the N head replacement). Like black bird ‘a bird that is black’.

From NOAD on the Adj in this Adj + N nominal:

adj. hip-3: [a] informal following the latest fashion, especially in popular music and clothes: it’s becoming hip to be environmentally conscious. [b] understanding; aware: he’s trying to show how hip he is to Americana.

Source of the cartoon. The cartoon was passed along to me on Facebook, without any information about its source (other than Hafeez’s signature). A certain amount of rooting around led me to the CartoonStock copy, which said this is a KH cartoon from the 7/1/23 Narrative magazine. From Wikipedia on the magazine (which was unfamiliar to me):

Narrative is a non-profit digital publisher of fiction, poetry, non-fiction, and art founded in 2003 by Tom Jenks and Carol Edgarian. Narrative publishes weekly and provides educational resources to teachers and students; subscription and access to its content is free.

TC: consumed by the omnivore. A young man returns from an encounter with a goat, which has indulged its fabled enthusiasm for eating every damned thing by savaging the bottom half of the guy’s trousers, his shoes and socks, half of his briefcase and its contents — and a (conventional) apple:


(#2) From the 10/9/23 New Yorker

The model family of expressions is

someone look   like / as if   pro have (just) seen a ghost

(for example, Tom looks as if he’s just seen a ghost; but more to the point here, you look like you’ve seen a ghost) conveying ‘look very shocked / scared / terrified / pale from fright’  — treated as an idiom (family) by a number of on-line dictionaries, but it looks like a bunch of related stock expressions with entirely compositional meaning, but conventionally used to convey not only this compositional meaning but also some of the typical real-world situational concomitants of it (in this case, how one looks when one has seen a ghost). The pun in #2 is you look like you’ve seen a goat, with goat (/got/) for ghost (/gost/), conveying that you look the way you look when you’ve encountered one of those fabled omnivorous goats.

The omnivore caper. Wikipedia’s very cautious approach to the goat-as-omnivore tale:

Goats are reputed to be willing to eat almost anything, including tin cans and cardboard boxes. While goats will not actually eat inedible material, they are browsing animals, not grazers like cattle and sheep, and (coupled with their highly curious nature) will chew on and taste just about anything remotely resembling plant matter to decide whether it is good to eat, including cardboard, clothing and paper (such as labels from tin cans).

Aside from sampling many things, goats are quite particular in what they actually consume, preferring to browse on the tips of woody shrubs and trees, as well as the occasional broad-leaved plant. However, it can fairly be said that their plant diet is extremely varied, and includes some species which are otherwise toxic.

 

The Yiddish word for shpilkes

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Melinda Shore on Facebook yesterday, the wry comment “How to spot the NY newspaper”, about this passage that Ann Burlingham had posted on FB:

At Lot 77062, he started to get antsy. “I’m getting shpilkes,” he said, using the Yiddish word for shpilkes. [The paragraph continues: His hope — not unreasonable, he thought — was somewhere in the high six figures.]

To supply the context (thanks to Season Devereux for pointing me to this): it’s a New York Times article by John Leland: on-line on 11/15/23 with the headline “He Thought His Chuck Close Painting Was Worth $10 Million. Not Quite: A bittersweet ending for Mark Herman, the dog walker who was given the painting: It finally sold, but for far less than he had envisioned”: in print with the headline “Gavel Comes Down on a Chuck Close Nude and a Fantasy”.

New Yorker Mark Herman was the speaker of using the Yiddish word for shpilkes; why he didn’t say using the Yiddish word for pins and needles is something of a mystery to me — but if you can’t easily pull up the English idiom pins and needles ‘anxiety’, then Yiddish shpilkes might be all you’ve got.

Lexicographic notes. From Wiktionary (with some reformatting):

pl noun shpilkes (plural only): A state of impatience, agitation, and/or anxiety. This job interview tomorrow gives me shpilkes. Synonym: on pins and needles. Etymology: Borrowed from Yiddish שפּילקעס‎ (shpilkes, “needles”), ultimately from a Slavic term such as Polish szpilka, which comes from Italian spilla, from Late Latin spīnula (“little thorn”). [AZ: cf. English spine (NOAD: Zoology & Botany any hard, pointed defensive projection or structure, such as a prickle of a hedgehog, a spike-like projection on a sea urchin, a sharp ray in a fish’s fin, or a spike on the stem of a plant.)]

Fur stoles, furry boots, and f*cking like minks

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(Note this posting’s title — it’s totally not for kids or the sexually modest)

It’s all about fucking in fur: two scenes from the MEN.com gay porn flick Norse Fuckers in which men mate wildly and promiscuously, like the proverbial fur-bearing carnivores, while wearing fluffy fur stoles (which they discard as impediments when they dig into their pronging) and delightful furry boots (which stay on, even while the men, otherwise stark naked, are fucking their mates).

There will be pictures.

But first we creep up on the animals in heat / rut.

The mink. From NOAD (edited and rearranged):

noun mink: [a] a small semiaquatic carnivore resembling the stoat, native to North America and Eurasia: the American mink and the smaller European mink (the American mink is widely farmed for its fur). [b] the thick brown fur of the mink. [c] a coat made of mink.

And from the Animalia website:

American minks are polygynandrous (promiscuous), with both males and females mating with multiple partners.

Their promiscuity has made them proverbial fuckers; distilled from various on-line dictionaries:

idiom fuck like  a mink / minks: vulgar slang have sex passionately or enthusiastically.

(Compare this to the idiom fuck like bunnies.) The idiom can be applied to both the insertive and the receptive partners.

And now into the porn flick …

Scene 3 of Norse Fuckers. From my 5/29/23 posting “Hordes of Norsemen insert themselves into a national holiday”, about scene 3 of Norse Fuckers, with

a servant boy, the aggressively receptive (blonder, younger) Dean Young, taking it up the ass from the King of the Norsemen, the aggressively insertive (dark-haired, older) Papi Kocic, in (at least) six positions in their encounter, which I described as “both thoroughly ridiculous and urgently hot”

More on this scene in my 6/13/23 posting “Hot Dad 4 U”, about an ad showing Kocic showing off, among other things, his fur stole, which I celebrated in a free-verse tribute:

(#1)

To which I added the comment “Who could resist that pelt? You must submit and offer yourself”.

Scene 1 of Norse Fuckers. From scene 1:


(#2) Top Tyler Berg (shorter hair, heavily inked left arm), bottom Craig Marks (longer hair, inkfree) — sharing horns of drink, before their fur stoles are disarded and Berg prongs Marks, in a variety of positions

Their wonderful furry boots remain through all of this — playing the role of workboots in rougher porn, socks in sweeter porn (the dicks have been fuzzed out, for WordPress modesty):


(#3) MinkBoy Marks, his furry boots up in the air, takes Berg’s dick

Now with both sets of boots in the pictures, as Marks rides Berg’s dick in two different ways:


(#4) Mink Cowboy facing out


(#5) Mink Cowboy facing in, with a kiss

A note on the actors’ English accents. The two scenes provide us with English accents from all over the place: Dean Young is Irish, Papi Kocic Australian (of Eastern European descent), Craig Marks is from Liverpool, Tyler Berg from Norway. And they all get dialogue, to advance a convoluted plot involving both Norse warriors and Norse gods.

Packing Extreme Meat

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(A lot of this posting is about the title of a Lucas gay porn movie, slated for full release in March 2024, but with its scenes being released one by one before then — the first, baldly titled “Dom King pounds Leonardo Bravo”, out last Friday (12/15), is described in one section of my 12/16 posting “Christmas days at the gay porn factories”. Before going on to an analysis of the movie’s title, I’ll unload some of the Lucas p.r. for the flick, and provide a sweet shot of the young Argentinean bottom LB in its first scene; this stuff is all about men’s sexual parts and man-on-man sex, in crude street language, so it’s entirely unsuitable for kids and the sexually modest. After that, you’ll get some sexual slang, though treated analytically; mostly there will be a lot of technical linguistics, but I’m trusting you to handle this material like adults. Relax, you can do it (as Frankie Goes to Hollywood didn’t quite say).)

Part the First: four guys with big dicks. The Lucas Entertainment press release for the whole film, in gayporntalk:

Release Date: Mar 01, 2024

Performers [alphabetically ordered by first name]: Austin Ponce, Craig Marks, Dom King, Jacob Lord, Jeffrey Lloyd, Kosta Viking, Leandro Bravo, Sean Xavier

Some guys have such huge dicks that they can barely keep them under control… that’s when you know they’re PACKING EXTREME MEAT! Dom King unleashes his huge cock on Leandro Bravo and pounds him bareback. Kosta Viking and Jacob Lord suck and fuck until they nut. Sean Xavier slams Craig Marks with his enormous piece of man meat. And Jeffrey Lloyd funds Austin Ponce with his fat uncut dick!

[Linguistic note. Most of this is familiar ornamental gayporntalk: pound and slam ‘fuck’, nut ‘ejaculate, come, shoot’. But fund (with) used like award or bestow (with) as yet another way to convey ‘fuck’ (fucking as figuratively giving your dick to another man, bestowing it on him, bestowing him with it) is new to me. Promoted no doubt by the orthographic / phonological similarity between FUND and FUCK.]

From the first-released segment, I give you, not the big-dicked muscle-stud topman DK, contemptuously pounding Argentinean ass, but his lean, hairy, and very hot, novice pussyboy LB (as a receptive / bottom, long retired from active service, I note that I view the label pussyboy as playful and celebratory):


On the beach: Leandro Bravo in basic black

Part the Second: based on a hot-cock POP. This section is about the title Packing Extreme Meat, which is a pun on Packing Extreme Heat, so I turn now to the VP pack extreme heat. Which is an unusual (but attested) type of POP (phrasal overlap portmanteau). Whose contributing phrases are figurative expressions, one conveying ‘having a big penis’, the other ‘being sexually arousing’. And whose shared (overlapping) material — heat — has different senses in the two contributors, so that the portmanteau is also a pun, a punmanteau, if you will.

Yes, it’s complicated. It just has to be unpacked bit by bit. Stay with me.

I’ll start with two general observations about POPs, one about their form (about where the shared material comes in the two contributors — in the middle, at the beginning, or at the end), the other about their interpretation (about whether the shared material has the same meaning or different meanings in the two contributors — in what I’ll call vanilla POPs vs. pun POPs). There will be generous collections of examples from real life; don’t be alarmed by all this abstract description.

— Where does the shared material come? In your everyday POP, the shared material comes in the middle, but the beginning and the end are other possibilities:

medial sharing: A B C = (A B) + (B C) — sweet tooth fairy = sweet tooth + tooth fairy; Chia pet cemetery = Chia pet + pet cemetery; Home Birth of Venus = home birth + Birth of Venus; Billy Zane Grey = Billy Zane + Zane Grey (almost all POPs are of this form)

initial sharing: A (B + C) = A B + A C — paranormoralegal = paranormal + paralegal (a minority option)

final sharing: (A + B) C = A C + B C — L. Ron Mother Hubbard = L. Ron Hubbard + Mother Hubbard (another minority option)

— Is the meaning of the shared material constant or divergent in the two contributors? There are many vanilla POPs, like sweet tooth fairy, Chia pet cemetery, and Home Birth of Venus above. But there are also a ton of pun POPs, along the lines of:

snow border collie = snowboarder + border collie; Edgar Allan po’boy = Edgar Allan Poe + po’boy

similarly: Crosby, Stills, Nash, and Young Frankenstein, Fleetwood Macchiato, Half a Key Largo, Pacific Rim job, iPad Thai

Yes, the really memorable pun POPs tend to be pretty outrageous; they figure in elaborate pun jokes.

Now: pack extreme heat. This is a final-sharing pun POP:

pack extreme heat = pack heat + extreme heat, with contributors:

— pack heat, a verb + object idiom (meaning ‘carry a gun’), with the slang noun heat ‘weaponry; weapon, gun, pistol’ as object

— extreme heat ‘high temperature’

On its face, that would yield an expression meaning something like ‘carry a gun that’s hot to the touch’. But then both contributors are understood figuratively, and sexually; remember that we’re working our way up to the title of a vehicle to (in elevated language) aid gay men to achieve ejaculation through masturbating to the filmed performances. It’s a gay jack-off flick, people, so its title pretty much has to be a dirty play on words; that’s why both parts now acquire dirty figurative senses: the gun of pack heat can be taken as a sexual metaphor, for a (big) penis, so that the phrase can convey ‘have a big cock / dick’. Meanwhile, there are also sexual metaphorical uses of heat, referring to sexual receptivity, sexual arousal, or the quality of being sexually arousing. so that extreme heat can convey high sexual involvement (in mind and/or body).

Voilà! Packing Extreme Heat, an excellent title for a gay porn movie: easily understood as satisfyingly down and dirty (even if you don’t understand the linguistic mechanisms that make it work); admirably raunchy, without using any off-color vocabulary at all (unlike, say, the Treasure Island Media gay porn flick Ruin the Cunt — which, like the Lucas film, is largely focused on bareback anal sex between men.)

Hold that thought about admirable raunchiness. I’ll get back to that in a moment.

But first I’ll do my duty as a linguist to fill in some of the lexicographic details on pack heat from standard sources, rather that just spouting glosses off the top of my head. (Extreme heat is, I think, entirely straightforward.) From NOAD:

phrase pack heat: North American informal carry a gun: he was busted at JFK for packing heat.

And from GDoS:

noun heat: 4 (US) weapons, arms [AZ: this is the M[ass] use, which might be better glossed as ‘weaponry’; but the entry also has C[ount] uses, glossed as ‘pistol’]

One last turn of the sexual screw. Ok, in Packing Extreme Heat, the Lucas Entertainment people had a fine title available to them. But they then decided to gild this lily with a paint gun, pushing the big-dick image hard by punning on pack extreme heat with the off-color pun meat ‘penis’ for the more innocent-seeming slang noun heat. Bringing us Packing Extreme Meat, for the holiday jack-off season (and on until March 1st, when the whole work will be officially released).

I know, I know, subtlety is not their strong point.

 

 

Kissing the proverbial you know what

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From the Raw Story site, “‘The stain is on you’: Ex-RNC chair slams GOP for silence on [GP]’s call for blood purity” by Matthew Chapman on 12/18/23 (in this story [GP] refers to (Helmet) Grabpussy), beginning:

The Republican Party at large owns former President [GP]’s increasing descent into fascistic and racist rhetoric, former GOP chair Michael Steele told MSNBC’s Katie Phang [sitting in for the host of “The Beat With Ari Melber”] on Monday.

This comes as [GP] stated at a rally that immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country,” language that has clear roots in Nazi Germany — and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) defended it furiously when cornered by reporters.

“Michael, it is not just [GP] that’s doing the bad thing, it’s the enablers that are doing the bad thing,” said Phang. “We all know why they are kissing the proverbial you know what. And, when you have somebody like Marc Short [Republican operative, chief of staff to Vice President Mike Pence] saying ‘I doubt that [GP] has read Mein Kampf,’ I don’t disagree with him, I don’t think he has the capacity to read, but it is not the point. These people enable [GP] to be able to say this with zero consequence.”

In the crucial quote, boldfaced above, Phang was choosing between two idioms, both of the form kiss + object, both expressing submission to someone: the elevated idiom (with the C[ount] Sg object noun ring):

kiss someone’s ring or: kiss the ring

and the vulgar slang idiom (with the M[ass] Sg object noun ass):

kiss someone’s ass or: kiss ass

In any case, Phang chose to indicate that she was using a formulaic expression, via the formula-signaling adjective proverbial modifying the head noun of the object. She said kiss the proverbial X and not kiss proverbial X, and that would seem to indicate that she was using the elevated idiom (with ring), which comes with a definite article, and not the vulgar idiom (with ass), which is anarthrous: kiss the ringkiss the proverbial ring; kiss asskiss proverbial ass.

But we can feel pretty sure that she was aiming for the vulgar idiom, because she also used a scheme for avoiding taboo words (like ass ‘buttocks’ or ‘anus’): the filler you know what replacing the taboo item (I’m not going to kiss (his) you know what, He told me to stick it up my you know what).

The result is that at first glance she just looks confused, mixing features of the two competitors for a submission idiom. But it turns out that the syntax of formula-signaling proverbial is more complex than I had thought, and she was saying exactly what she intended.


This posting is primarily about some English lexical items, their semantics, pragmatics, and syntax. But Phang’s interview with Steele, and Chapman’s Raw Story piece about it, are also, in part, about linguistic matters, about the use of racist tropes with a poisonous history while disavowing that history, mendaciously claiming them to be simple observations about current events, or mere hyperbole for effect, or even just joking — all re-framings of Grabpussy’s actual speeches. So at the end of this posting I’ll append the entire remaining part of Chapman’s story, after the initial bit I quoted above.

Lexicography 1: the idioms of submission. From the Wiktionary site, which lists the two idioms with possessive determiners in their objects, though both idioms have non-possessive alternative forms. First:

idiom kiss someone’s ring [or: kiss the ring]: To give respect or reverence to someone; to express servitude to someone. Etymology: An allusion to a traditional manner of expressing obedience to a [Catholic] bishop (especially the pope) or king.

The non-possessive variant of this idiom is in fact understood as possessed, with the possessor determined from context; and occurrences of the variant with the definite article regularly have the possessor explicitly expressed, just in an of-possessive phrase rather than in an inflectional possessive as determiner. Both these points are illustrated in a news report of what is currently my country’s most celebrated figurative ring-kissing (no actual rings were kissed, but shitloads of servility were conveyed) — with the possessor implicit in the headline of the report, and then with the possessor explicit in the story, but in an of-possessive phrase. On the MSNBC site, “Why it matters that McCarthy went to Mar-a-Lago to kiss the ring” by Steve Benen on 1/29/21:

[After the storming of the US Capitol by a mob on 1/26/21, Speaker of the US House of Representatives Kevin] McCarthy tried to carefully thread a needle, acknowledging [GP]’s wrongdoing while simultaneously pushing back against the idea of holding [GP] accountable, but it didn’t work. The former president raged about McCarthy having “bowed to pressure” and failing to show absolute, genuflecting fealty.

And instead of ignoring [GP]s whining, and turning his focus toward governance, McCarthy instead got on a plane, went to Mar-a-Lago, and kissed the ring of the disgraced former president he’d infuriated with a mild rebuke.

Then:

idiom kiss someone’s ass [or: kiss ass]: (slang) To flatter someone (especially a superior) in an obsequious manner, and to support their every opinion to gain their favor. Etymology: Said because the ass is considered vulgar and being willing to kiss another’s is considered a sign of submission and patronage.

Given the ambiguity of ass, this idiom is interpretable as kissing the buttocks or (much more offensively) as kissing the anus.

Related to this idiom are the nouns  asskisser, asslick(er), brownnose(r) ‘syncophant, suck-up’.

Lexicography 2: the meta-lexicon. Expressions that comment on the status of other expressions in the text. The formula-signaling adjective proverbial; and the filler you know who / you-know-who avoiding the explicit expression of uncomfortable shared knowledge, especially a taboo item known to to both speaker and addressee. From NOAD:

adj. proverbial: [a] (of a word or phrase) referred to in a proverb or idiom [or any well-known formulaic expression]: I’m going to stick out like the proverbial sore thumb. [b] well known, especially so as to be stereotypical: the Welsh people, whose hospitality is proverbial.

noun you-know-whatinformal used to refer to something known to the hearer without naming or specifying it: I think he’s probably covering his you-know-what, because he knows he made an illegal turn.

Not to devalue schemes of taboo avoidance, but Katie Phang’s you know what looks pretty straightforward to me, while the way she used formula-signaling proverbial caused me to write, “at first glance she just looks confused, mixing features of the two competitors for a submission idiom”.

The first, easy, thing to say about this proverbial is that it can simply be slotted in as a prenominal adjective, before any ordinary prenominal modifiers:

be sick as a dog > be sick as a proverbial dog (C Sg head noun dog)

stick out like a sore thumb > stick out like a proverbial sore thumb (C Sg head noun thumb)

breed like bunnies > breed like proverbial bunnies (C Pl head noun bunnies)

stick out like sore thumbs > stick out like proverbial sore thumbs (C Pl head noun thumbs)

kiss ass > kiss proverbial ass (M (Sg) head noun ass)

be hot shit > be proverbial hot shit (M (Sg) head noun shit)

The second, more complicated, thing to say about proverbial X is that it refers to ‘the X as in the proverb / idiom / formula’, so that many speakers are inclined to see the idiom not as mere proverbial, but as the proverbial, with the definite article the built in. (Conveniently for this view, the is compatible with C Sg, C Pl, and M (Sg) head nouns.) This gives us variants like

stick out like the proverbial sore thumb (C Sg), stick out like the proverbial sore thumbs (C Pl), and kiss the proverbial ass (M (Sg))

The first of these appears, without comment or explanation, in NOAD‘s example for formula-signaling proverbial (where you might well have expected stick out like a proverbial sore thumb). And the last is what Katie Phang was taboo-avoiding in kissing the proverbial you know what (where you might well have expected kissing proverbial you know what). So: not a confusion, but a slightly different (and very widespread) form for the idiom.

Addendum: the remainder of the Raw Story piece.

“Well, that is a critical point here because they have to rationalize their own role in all of this,” said Steele. “When it all comes to this conversation where you have the leading candidate for the Republican Party telling Americans he is going to be retribution for Americans who agree with him, he’s going to be the guy who’s going to go fight and take people out, that immigrants and others come into this country, whether from Africa or from other parts of the world, are ‘poisoning the American bloodstream,’ yeah, what is Lindsey Graham going to say to that except sort of try to dumb it down and make it all go away with some offhanded comments.” At the end of the day, said Steele, former Rep. Liz Cheney (R-WY) put it succinctly during hearings of the House Select Committee: “The reality of it is that the stain is on you … and no matter how you try to avoid it or dress it up or put a clean shirt on, it is on you. It is embedded in your bloodstream because you are the one who injected the poison. So, the reality of it is, we’ve got to call that out.”

“We’ve got to be honest about that because I think there are things greater at stake for us as a country,” Steele added. “Each one of us on this screen right now [will] suffer consequences of [GP]’s second term. Because we have stood up against this kind of hot rhetoric, destructive rhetoric, this very divisive racist rhetoric … there is nothing good that will come from it. The man means what he said. He means what he says. A lot of people want to say, ‘Oh, he hasn’t read’ or ‘hasn’t believed it.’ Yes, he does. Yes, he does.”

 


Nobody expects a baby

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A carefully composed, subtle, and surprising ambiguity-driven cartoon by Mick Stevens in the New Yorker 1/1&8/2024 issue (on-line on 12/2/23):


Were we expecting a baby?, conveying not ‘Were we pregnant?” but the surprising ‘Were we expecting a baby (to appear at the door, to visit us, to be delivered to us, etc.)?’ — compare Were we expecting a special-delivery letter? Were we expecting the Spanish Inquisition? (meanwhile, there’s a Page about MS cartoons on this blog)

From NOAD:

verb expect: … [c] believe that (someone or something) will arrive soon: Celia was expecting a visit.

verb phrase idiom be expecting (also be expecting a baby): informal be pregnant: his wife was expecting again.

The thing about expect is that the verb is forward-looking in its semantics, but denotes a state, not an ongoing or repeated activity. So it occurs most naturally in simple aspect, as in the example In our paranoid way, we always expect(ed) the Spanish Inquisition. The verb can occur in the progressive aspect, as in NOAD’s example Celia was expecting a visit and its present-tense counterpart Celia is expecting a visit, but then it conveys something like immediacy, not ongoing or repeated activity.

The thing about that VP pregnancy idiom is that it occurs only in the progressive aspect (✓She is expecting ‘she is pregnant’, but *She expects (in this sense); similarly, ✓She has been expecting for several months, but *She has expected for several months) — while nevertheless denoting a state, not an ongoing or repeated activity.

Two cartoons on (unstated) formulaic themes

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Aka: Piccolo’s bull and Rubin’s cow: cattle days in CartoonLand. A little post-eclipse diversion: cartoons that make allusion to, or illustrate a pun on, some formulaic expression, but without actually mentioning that expression, so they present challenges in cartoon understanding. Two that have come by me recently: a Rina Piccolo Rhymes With Orange cartoon of 4/5 (alluding to the idiom bull in a china shop, which is something of a favorite of cartoonists); and an old Leigh Rubin Rubes cartoon that re-surfaced in Facebook (punning on the nursery-rhyme line the cow jumped over the moon).

Oh, I’ve given it all away. Well, you can still  appreciate Piccolo’s and Rubin’s ingenuity.

Piccolo’s bull. The cartoon:


(#1) You will recognize the bull — an unusually urbane and digitally savvy bovine, but clearly a bull — and he’s in a curio shop, or maybe, yes, a china shop

What do bulls do in china shops? They crash around, breaking stuff, because bulls are — the stereotype goes — huge, hyperactive, and irascible. But this bull is a sweetie, calm and rational. No risk to the breakables in the china shop.

On the other hand, the digital bull crashes the shop’s website. It’s a 21st-century bull running amok in a 21st-century china shop.

Rubin’s cow. The cartoon:


(#2) Mother Goose finds a theme for one of her apparently nonsensical nursery rhymes

From my 12/20/15 posting “Four from Leigh Rubin”, on this cartoon:

A fanciful origin story about the Mother Goose rhyme “Hey diddle diddle, the cat and the fiddle, the cow jumped over the moon”, exploiting the ambiguity of moon: the satellite of the earth or (slang) ‘the exposure of the bare buttocks to somene to insult or amuse them’.

[Addendum on 4/10: From George Reilly on Facebook on 4/9:

on the boing boing site on 11/18/19, “Here’s what happened when Mythbusters tested the bull in a china shop myth”:

Merriam-Webster defines “bull in a china shop” as “a person who breaks things or who often makes mistakes or causes damage in situations that require careful thinking or behavior.”

But Mythbusters actually let a bull loose in a china shop and learned that bulls are . . . “very careful” of the china. When the team released more and more bulls amidst the shelving, the bulls just continued to diligently avoid bumping into anything.]

 

The Putin-on-Ritz pun

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Passed on by Susan Fischer yesterday, this item from the We Love PUNS site:


(#1) Three things you need to know about or recognize to understand the pun joke here: Vladimir Putin (depicted here without a label); Ritz crackers (this is easy, because the name Ritz is on the package, as are images of the crackers); and, crucially, the model for the pun: the song title “Puttin’ on the Ritz”

Which gives us, oh groan, the pun Putin on the Ritz. Phonologically imperfect in the Putin part: pun /pútǝn/ for model puttin’ /pÚtǝn/. You can imagine other possibilities: poutine on / in the Ritz, pootin’ on / in the Ritz, button on the Ritz, and more with Ritz; still others involving tits, fritz, Rit (the commercial dye), and no doubt others.

It turns out that this is not the first appearance, on this blog, of Vlad the Invader with Ritz crackers. Nor the first pun involving Ritz. But first a lexical note on ritz, from NOAD:

noun ritzinformal mainly North American ostentatious luxury and glamour: removed from all the ritz and glitz. [hence the informal adj. ritzy ‘expensively stylish’] 2 (the Ritz) [usually with negative] used in reference to luxurious accommodation: it’s not the Ritz, but it’s convenient, clean, and good value for money | sure as hell ain’t the Ritz, but it’s a place to call home | here is the Ritz of all shelters. PHRASES put on the ritz mainly North American make a show of luxury or extravagance: when you’re putting on the ritz, garnish your soup with an asparagus tip nestled in a small spoonful of lightly whipped cream. ORIGIN early 20th century: from Ritz, a proprietary name of luxury hotels, from César Ritz (1850–1918), a Swiss hotel owner.

The 2014 cartoon posting. From my 2/9/14 posting “Putin on the Ritz”, about this cartoon:

(#2)

Ordinarily, I’d unpack this image, but in the Linguage of Comics course at Stanford this quarter, Elizabeth Traugott and I have been asking students what sociocultural knowledge is required to understand a cartoon (this isn’t technically a cartoon, but it’s a similar visual joke) — imagine you’re trying to explain it to a Martian or a child — and why it’s funny. So think of this as an at-home exercise.

… This would be an even more challenging exercise — though not impossible — without the caption [“Putin on the Ritz”].

There’s still Putin to recognize, this time in his macho persona; and the Ritz cracker, now unlabeled; and of course the song.

On the song, from Wikipedia:

“Puttin’ On the Ritz” is a song written by Irving Berlin. He wrote it in May 1927 and first published it on December 2, 1929. … It was introduced by Harry Richman and chorus in the musical film Puttin’ On the Ritz (1930). … The title derives from the slang expression “to put on the Ritz”, meaning to dress very fashionably. This expression was inspired by the opulent Ritz Hotel in London.

… The song received renewed popularity in 1974 when it was performed by Gene Wilder [as Victor Frankenstein] and Peter Boyle [as his creation] in the film Young Frankenstein.

Many memorable recordings, from Harry Richman through Fred Astaire to Taco, but surely the most amazing is the one in Young Frankenstein, which you can view here.

A 2021 cartoon posting. From my 12/25/21 posting “Bizarros of the Solstice, Festivus, and Christmas”, about this cartoon:

(#3)

Fritz Carlton: an erratic portmanteau of on the fritz ‘not functioning’ and Ritz-Carlton the luxury hotel chain. (Note: the desk clerk is a supercilious Frenchman, an imagined present-day César Ritz.)

The posting goes on with information about the Ritz hotels and about the idiom on the fritz.

[Addendum. Following up on this posting on Facebook, James Unger (my linguistics colleague in East Asian at Ohio State) noted that the comedy troupe The Capitol Steps did a Putin parody of “Puttin’ on the Ritz” a few years back.

Indeed: they performed “Putin on a Blitz” back in 2016-17. There are YouTube videos of some of these performances, for example this one from 2016.]

 

Six Zippy balls

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Zippy is known for his enthusiasm for specific words, is given to playing with them in public. Today’s Zippy strip shows our Pinhead drifting happily through six encounters with ball, in the title (In the ballpark) and five times in the text:


(#1) In four idiomatic expressions and then, in panel 3, when we’re set up to expect idiomatic drop the ball ‘make a mistake’, Zippy goes all literal on us by, just, dropping the ball

The four idioms: have a ball, keep one’s eye on the ball, the ball is in someone’s court, take one’s ball and go home.  One use of ball ‘formal social gathering for dancing’, followed by three uses of ball ‘spherical object’ in the context of playing games or sports. The effect in the text is to switch from one way of thinking to another: the social gathering image gives way immediately to three game-playing images, and then Zippy gets literal.

Now to look at the lexical resources Bill Griffith is tapping in this strip. But first, a diversion to six actual (game-playing) balls.

Omnikin® Six Balls. From the company’s site:


(#2) Balls on parade

Omnikin Six Balls 18” [AZ: yes, a foot and a half] is a set of 6 lightweight and durable balls of different colours (blue, green, orange, purple, red and yellow). With unique features, they are made with a heavy-duty 100% nylon cover. Because of their design, they will never deform. Their very low inertia (due to their light weight) greatly reduces the risk of injury. They can be thrown and kicked. They are strong enough to sit on as well as use with your feet, hands and head.

Use these safety balls for PE classes and other activities that require 6 different teams, or both small and larger groups of over 30 participants. They are extremely versatile as they can be used for the introduction to traditional sports (volleyball, soccer and some basketball skills). Omnikin Six Balls can play an integral part in many different types of games. More than 20 games have been designed specifically for this product. All these activities allow participants to have fun, learn and expend their energy. One entire class can be involved in many games with 6 different teams at the same time.

To the dictionaries, mes amis! The resources Bill Griffith was working with. First, from NOAD:

noun ball-1  ‘spherical object’ PHRASES:

— the ball is in your court: it is up to you to make the next move: the ball is firmly in the court of the EC Commission.

— ball of fire: a person full of energy and enthusiasm.

— drop the ball: North American informal make a mistake; mishandle things: I really dropped the ball on this one.

— get the ball rolling (also set the ball rolling or start the ball rolling) set an activity in motion; make a start: to get the ball rolling, the government was asked to contribute a million dollars to the fund.

— keep the ball rolling: maintain the momentum of an activity.

— keep one’s eye on the ball: keep one’s attention focused on the matter in hand.

— on the ball: [a] alert to new ideas, methods, and trends: maintaining contact with customers keeps me on the ball. [b] indicating competence, alertness, or intelligence: a woman like that, with so much on the ball.

— play ball: 1 informal work willingly with others; cooperate: if his lawyers won’t play ball, there’s nothing we can do. 2 Baseball the umpire’s command to begin or resume play.

— take one’s eye off the ball: fail to keep one’s attention focused on the matter in hand.

— the whole ball of wax: North American informal everything related to a particular situation; the whole thing: when you’re in a regional manager position, you really have to look at the whole ball of wax | they don’t own the whole ball of wax, especially at this late stage.

noun ball-2 ‘formal social gathering for dancing’ PHRASE:

— have a ball: informal enjoy oneself greatly; have a lot of fun: I had a ball on my fortieth birthday.

noun ballpark: North American [a] a baseball stadium or field. [b] informal a particular area or range: we can make a pretty good guess that this figure’s in the ballpark.

adj. ballpark: [attributive] informal (of prices or costs) approximate; rough: the ballpark figure is $400–500.

Then from the Farlex Dictionary of Idioms:

— take one’s ball and go home: to be so petulant in dealing with adversity, loss, or rejection that one leaves abruptly, often disrupting other participants in the process. The image is of a child who leaves with the ball, thus preventing others from continuing to play the game.

From NOAD, some items Griffith didn’t draw on:

combining form –ball: North American informal used in various derogatory terms as an intensifier: sleazeball | goofball.

verb ball: [with object] 1 [a] squeeze or form (something) into a rounded shape: Robert balled up his napkin and threw it onto his plate. [b] clench (one’s fist) tightly: she balled her fist so that the nails dug into her palms. [c] [no object] form a round shape: the fishing nets eventually ball up and sink. [d] wrap the rootball of (a tree or shrub) to protect it during transportation. 2 North American vulgar slang have sex with.

noun ballsvulgar slang 1 testicles. 2 courage or nerve. 3 British nonsense; rubbish (often said to express strong disagreement). PHRASES have someone or something by the ballsvulgar slang have complete control over someone or something: they’ve got us by the balls, and they know it.

Well, there’s only so much you can do in three panels of a comic strip. Though I like to think of Zippy as a goofball.

 

 

Datoro!

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Two Datoro cartoons from the July 22nd New Yorker (the one with Anita Kunz’s “The Face of Justice” — six 45s and three women — on the cover): Joe Dator offering goldfish snacks in a cat bar, Tom Toro offering a summer food pun with a dubious union between plant and animal (interkingdom breeding! quelle scandale!).

Joe Dator’s goldfish bar snacks. It’s a fish! It’s a cracker! And it’s an implicit pun (phonologically perfect), goldfish punning on Goldfish (neither name used, and only the fish depicted):


(#1) Note the bowl of goldfish on the bar (we know they are goldfish because they are drawn in color, in an otherwise b&w cartoon); Dator’s twist on the situation is that instead of offering a goldfish as a simple snack, the bartender is using it as a garnish in the cat’s martini in place of the customary lemon peel

This would be a much simpler, though still enjoyable, cartoon if the barkeep just used any small fish in place of the lemon twist, since the appetite of real cats is for fish in general; little carp are in no way special. (Admittedly, real cats do not sit on barstools and order martinis.) And then the bowl of goldfish on the bar would be dispensable; who cares where the barkeep gets his fish?

But no, Dator has gone for something much more complex, an implicit pun that requires that you know about the snack crackers with the brand name Goldfish®:


(#2) Goldfish crackers

And that you know that they were once a common bar snack; on that point, contemplate this piece from the TastingTable site, “Why Julia Child Loved To Serve Goldfish Crackers With Cocktails”, by Autumn Swiers on 1/5/24:


(#3)  Martini (with twist), Julia Child, and a pile of Goldfish

At one time, Goldfish crackers weren’t out of place at the bar. Before the Goldfish marketing campaign redirected its sights toward a child audience in the 1990s, those orange crackers were a common bar snack — and Julia Child herself was all about it.

Not the first time that a cartoon has turned on Goldfish as bar food; from my 8/8/23 posting “Barthropods seeking silverfish”:


(#4) A complex Wayno / Piraro Bizarro in which two centipedes look for bar snacks

First bit of language play: the portmanteau barthropod = bar + arthropod, centipedes being arthropods … Then there’s a more subtle bit of language play in silverfish serving as bar snacks in a world in which centipedes drink in bars — given that Goldfish crackers (gold fish, silver fish, bring out the bronze) are often served as bar snacks in the real world.

A lot of the delight — and also the difficulty — of Dator‘s cartoon is that it’s wordless, conveying the play on goldfish for Goldfish entirely visually. Plus of course the absurdity of the Cat in a Bar joke (a nice twist on the usual Dog in a Bar formula).

Tom Toro’s corn on the cod. It’s a fish! It’s a grain! And it’s an explicit pun (phonologically imperfect), cod punning on cob:


(#5) The fish name cod is a recurring pun word (phonologically imperfect, but probably more entertaining for that), on models like God, cogcode, and card

Toro brings us the pun cob in an idiom; from NOAD:

phrase corn on the cobcorn when cooked and eaten straight from the cob; an ear of corn.

I was a bit surprised that corn on the cod hasn’t been worked into a joke cartoon more often; maybe it takes a particular sort of imagination to combine the fish and the grain. But here’s one other way of putting them together:


(#6) An Etsy note cod [groan] by CapeCard

Final note. My apologies to JD and TT for portmanteauing their family names into Datoro (with its unfortunate echo of the poisonous, but beautiful, plant datura, plus Star Trek‘s Data and of course the bullring). But there they were, together in the July 22nd New Yorker, with related cartoons — the goddess Fortuna’s gift to the blogger.

 

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